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Comment:
The Wage Gap between Men and Woman Virtually Disappears When
Differences in Behavior Are Taken into Account
Turns out, different people value different things, and when
you control for those differences, there's not much difference
between what men and women make.
by Matt Knight (Links to an external site.)Links to an
external site.
April has come and gone, and, with it, the highly publicized
Equal Pay Day (Links to an external site.)Links to an external
site.. It’s the day of the year on which women are said to have
finally reached pay parity with men from the previous year; women
working full-time, it turns out, only earn 77 percent (Links to an
external site.)Links to an external site., 78 percent (Links to an
external site.)Links to an external site., or 79 percent (Links to
an external site.)Links to an external site. of what full-time male
workers earn, depending on who you ask.
But there’s a problem with those figures, no matter which you
choose: they account for exactly one confounding factor.
One.
Other Conditions Are Not Remaining the Same
In economics, there’s this great, smart-sounding Latin
phrase—ceteris paribus—which means “with other conditions remaining
the same.” It’s a quick way of communicating the idea that we’re
trying to figure out exactly how much impact one factor has in
determining an outcome.
Back to our numbers: we’re trying to discover just how much
influence sexist discrimination has on women’s earnings relative to
men’s, we’ve controlled for full-time status, and now we’re saying
that—ceteris paribus—sexism alone accounts for a gap of 21 to 23
percent between men and women?
Shouldn’t we try to compare women and men who studied the same
things in college and selected careers in the same fields?
Come on.
Granted, controlling for full-time status is important, but
surely we can do better than one measly factor. I mean, there are a
ton of other things that play into comparing the earnings of men
and women, right?
For example, shouldn’t we try to compare women and men who
studied the same things in college and selected careers in the same
fields? Seems relatively important—and when we do that, the
American Association of University Women finds that women actually
make 93 percent (Links to an external site.)Links to an external
site. of their male coworkers.
What about comparing work experience? Lengthy career
interruptions? And, heck, what about overtime? Controlling for
those things, a report (Links to an external site.)Links to an
external site.prepared for the US Department of Labor found that
women actually make 95 percent as much as their male
coworkers.
I’d say a rise in women’s pay from 77 percent to 95 percent is
quite an improvement, wouldn’t you agree?
But wait, there’s more!
Starting a family makes up a large (Links to an external
site.)Links to an external site. (and growing (Links to an external
site.)Links to an external site.) proportion of the total wage gap,
and women tend to accept “family-friendly fringe benefits (Links to
an external site.)Links to an external site.” (flexible hours,
child-care, and parental leave, for example) in lieu of higher
wages. When we account for these kinds of non-wage compensation,
the gap in total compensation falls (Links to an external
site.)Links to an external site. to 3.6 percent.
Neat, right?
Challenging the Basic Assumptions
Clearly, controlling for confounding factors is important; but
as encouraging as all of these numbers are, we should take a step
back and analyze some assumptions behind these comparisons.
Another questionable assumption is that people—not just
women—are single-mindedly concerned with maximizing their
income.
For one thing, we seem content to uncritically accept the
notion that, at some point, when we’ve controlled for everything we
can possibly think of, the remaining disparity will necessarily
indicate discrimination; but it’s not obvious that this is the
case. Stanford economist Thomas Sowell writes, “Where there are
very significant differences in known factors between one group and
another, it would be reckless to assume that all remaining unknown
factors are the same.”
Another questionable assumption is that people—not just
women—are single-mindedly concerned with maximizing their income,
but that, too, is far from obvious. In fact, individual success
(Links to an external site.)Links to an external site. is
subjective and multidimensional. Using relative income as a means
to compare men and women doesn’t tell us as much as we might wish
it would because it ignores the complexity of success.
But even if we accept that comparing wages is a useful means
of measuring sexual discrimination, we’re dealing with averages
here, and while it’s important to understand what these numbers are
telling us, it’s just as important for us to understand what
they’re not telling us.
Take this study (Links to an external site.)Links to an
external site., published in the American Economic Review, which
finds that, when controlling for a host of relevant factors, women
earn 97.5 percent of what men earn. Are we supposed to believe that
that number is telling us that every female worker makes precisely
97.5 percent of what her male co-workers earn?
Not at all, but it does give us insight into the fact that
there’s considerable wage variation between individuals.
If Jack makes more than Jill, what accounts for Jane, who
makes more than Jack? What about John, who makes less than
Jill?
Let’s say that the average male income is $50,000 per year,
meaning that an average adjusted female income of 97.5 percent is
$48,750. Sure, half of these women make less than $48,750, but the
other half makes more than that. It’s the same thing with men:
while half make more than $50,000 per year, the other half makes
less.
This means that among the half of women who make more than
$48,750 and the half of men who make less than $50,000, there’s
considerable overlap, with a not inconsequential number of women
out-earning men.
Given this overlap, sexual discrimination as an explanation
for disparities in income loses some of its intellectual
appeal—after all, if Jack makes more than Jill, what accounts for
Jane, who makes more than Jack? What about John, who makes less
than Jill?
Turns Out, People Are Different
A more comprehensive explanation of the data might be that men
and women make different choices on the basis of differences in
values—and, empirically, there’s actually very good reason to
believe that this is the case. Research (Links to an external
site.)Links to an external site. shows that men and women differ
widely in choice of major while attending college. As a result,
fewer women than men enter certain fields—STEM (Links to an
external site.)Links to an external site., for instance—while the
converse is also true—nursing (Links to an external site.)Links to
an external site. is just under 9 percent male.
Furthermore, a recent study (Links to an external site.)Links
to an external site. found that women choose to enter STEM fields
less often in countries where they enjoy a higher degree of gender
equality. Coupled with research (Links to an external site.)Links
to an external site. that finds that men and women in countries
with more gender equality diverge more widely in personality—even
as they converge in valuing self-actualization—these facts suggest
that empowered women tend to prefer pursuing careers they enjoy
over jobs that merely pay them well.
University of Chicago economist Steven D. Levitt puts it this
way:
Rather than interpreting women’s lower wages as a failure,
perhaps it should be seen as a sign that a higher wage simply isn’t
as meaningful an incentive for women as it is for men.”
Don’t get me wrong, here: none of this should be taken to mean
that sexism doesn’t exist—it most certainly does—but the data, and
especially this analysis, should be encouraging to those of us who
are concerned about the economic well-being of women in 2018.
Reprinted from the Libertarian Institute. (Links to an
external site.)Links to an external site.
Matt Knight (Links to an external site.)Links to an external
site.
Matt Knight studies economics at Utah State University and is
a contributor at The Libertarian Institute.