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Seattle Aims at McDonald’s, Hits Workers
A $15 minimum wage changes the basic labor-market bargain
between the fast-food industry and its workers.
By Holman W. Jenkins, Jr.
June 30, 2017 3:42 p.m. ET
By now you have read 15 articles on the Seattle minimum-wage
fiasco. Since the city boosted its local minimum from $9.47 in 2014
to $13 last year (on its way to $15), a detailed investigation by
University of Washington economists finds that beneficiaries
actually saw their incomes fall by a net $125 a month because
employers cut their hours.
When the price of something goes up, buyers demand less of it.
This law of economics, like any law, some will always find
inconvenient. But here’s the rest of the story.
The impetus came from people who don’t actually earn the
minimum wage—labor-union leaders and think-tankers and activist
organizations. The Service Employees International Union, as it has
been happy to tell anyone, including a writer for the Atlantic
Monthly two years ago, was already plowing $30 million into the
“fight for $15” even though virtually all the hoped-for benefits
would go to nonmembers.
There was even pushback from various union locals. Was this
really a good use of our dues when most members already earn well
above the minimum and have other priorities?
As the union also was not shy about noting, the real target
was a very specific company, McDonald’s (Links to an external
site.)Links to an external site. , which SEIU dreams of organizing
despite the historically unwelcoming nature of franchise-based
industries.
How a $15 minimum leads toward this halcyon day was never
exactly spelled out, but here’s the answer: $15 would be used to
change the basic labor-market bargain implied between the fast-food
industry and its workers. Fifteen dollars an hour amounts to
$31,200 a year and hardly a princely living. But you start adding
mandated benefits and think about two-income households, and now
you’re talking about a job that will sustain a different kind of
life strategy than a Golden Arches job will today.
Organizers look fondly to Denmark, where a McDonald’s line
worker receives $41,000 a year and five weeks of paid vacation. As
the Atlantic put it two years ago, “Unionizing workers at
McDonald’s and other fast-food chains might be a long shot, but if
it succeeds, it might help lift a million or more workers into the
middle class (or at least into the lower middle class) and create a
model for low-wage workers in other industries.”
This sounds pretty but is misleading in a fundamental way. The
workers a McDonald’s franchise would hire at $15 an hour are
different from those it would hire at $8.29, the average earned by
a fast-food worker today.
Costs would go up. The industry would likely shrink, it would
likely replace workers with automation, but it would still create
jobs at $15 an hour for people whose productivity can justify $15
an hour. The people who work at McDonald’s today, typically, would
already be earning $15 an hour somewhere else if their productivity
could justify $15 an hour.
Everybody needs to start somewhere, including the unskilled
and those who lack a work history. Some need a job that doesn’t
demand much of them. They have other obligations. They accept less
pay to maximize flexibility and freedom from responsibility. They
don’t plan to make a career of it. The fast-food industry in
America is built on such people.
Proponents like to argue that employers, especially in the
fast-food business, actually benefit from an increased minimum. It
enables them to attract a more dedicated, productive employee. But
why shouldn’t employers be left to make this trade-off themselves?
And what about the people who won’t get hired at $15 and lose the
benefit of a fast-food opportunity that is one of the easiest,
quickest jobs to land in America?
When President Obama joined the fight in 2015, he argued that
a full-time job should be able to support a family. This sounded
pretty too, but was a way of saying that jobs that won’t support a
family shouldn’t exist, and people whose productivity won’t support
a family shouldn’t have jobs.
This is curious. Many countries that set a minimum wage,
including the U.S., also set subminimum wages for teenagers,
trainees, probationary hires, certain categories of disabled
persons, etc. Having both a minimum and subminimum is hard to
reconcile logically: Low-paying jobs shouldn’t exist, except some
people need low-paying jobs, so they should exist. This concession
to reality, in fact, shows not all minimum-wage advocates are
economic scofflaws.
SEIU signed off on the “fight for $15” as part of a convoluted
scheme to bring unionization to McDonald’s. As all would admit
privately, the idea was always pie in the sky. But union leaders
have to spend their members’ dues on something, or members might
get the idea they don’t need to keep paying dues.
Now SEIU’s spending priorities have been changing again.
Lately the leadership has arguably rediscovered its first love,
electoral politics, not organizing. The union has let it be known
that the “fight for $15” will be scaled back to free up funds to
fight the 2018 congressional elections and 2020 presidential race.
No doubt the Seattle study and all the attention it’s getting in
the media make the decision even easier.
Appeared in the July 1, 2017, print edition.