In: Economics
Explain John Robinson's model with example of a country other than India.
Joan Robinson (1903–83), quintessentially Cambridge, remains an
icon of modern economics, anathema to the mainstream orthodoxy, but
with large followings in various heterodox and radical traditions.
A rare woman in a man's profession, her achievements and fame far
preceded formal recognition measured by the conventional milestones
of professional status. Women in England could not vote on an equal
basis until 1928; when she entered the Cambridge economics tripos
in 1922, women had only just been allowed to read for University
degrees; Joan would have had to wait outside the doors for another
year to join the University Library, or to sit in University
lectures (Marcuzzo et al., 1996: 1); and she would have been
excluded from various elite academic clubs including, with a heavy
twist of irony, membership of the Political Economy Club founded by
Keynes (Turner, 1989: 13). She was not made a professor until 1965,
and then occupied the chair vacated by her husband, Sir Austin
Robinson; she went on to become the first female honorary fellow of
King's College, Cambridge in 1970.According to Cambridge Keynesians
prominently led by Joan Robinson, this progressive theoretical
revolution mutated later, in the hands of her perennial American
opponents, into what she termed ‘bastard Keynesianism’, involving a
synthesis of a distorted version of Keynesianism with orthodox
neoclassical micro‐economic theory. In parallel, it became
increasingly apparent that the new tool kit could, and indeed
would, be used as much for social democratic agendas with economic
expansion favouring expenditure on social service provision and
welfare enhancement, as for justifying the diversion of heavy state
spending towards militarism and armaments. Taking the fight to the
lion's den, Joan launched a fierce attack on the regressive trends
in theory in her celebrated Richard T. Ely Lecture on ‘The Second
Crisis of Economic Theory’ in 1971 to the American Economic
Association under the invitation of its President, J.K. Galbraith,
a kindred spirit (Robinson, 1972). Harrod and Domar extended the
Keynesian analysis of income and employment to the long-run setting
and therefore considered both the income and capacity effects of
investment. Harrod and Domar models of economic growth explain at
what rate investment should increase so that steady growth is
possible in an advanced capitalist economy. In the growth models of
Harrod and Domar, the rate of capital accumulation plays a crucial
role in the determination of economic growth.
Joan Robinson has further refined the model of capital accumulation
in a private enterprise economy. She relates investment with the
rate of profit which in turn depends upon the distribution of
income between wages and profits on the one hand and labour
productivity and capital intensity on the other.On the other hand,
the equilibrium condition shows that the rate of profit itself
governs the rate of accumulation. Anything that determines the rate
of profit would also determine the rate of growth of capital. Thus
in Joan Robinson’s model of growth the urge to accumulate capital
on the part of entrepreneurs determines the rate of economic
growth. And the urge or desire of the entrepreneurs to accumulate
capital depends on the expected rate of profit.
Accumulation and profit are, therefore, linked with each other in a
circular way. “If they have no profit, the entrepreneurs cannot
accumulate and if they do not accumulate they have no profit”.
Thus, the basic mechanism underlying Mrs. Robinson’s growth model
is the desire of the firms to accumulate. And the urge to
accumulate is dependent on the expected rate of profit.Abstract The
economic literature ever since the dawn of modern economics has
been much preoccupied with the issue of economic growth. Economic
growth has also been understood to establish the conditions for
economic development. The better-known models of economic growth
such as the Lewis, Rostow, Harrod-Domar, Solow, and Romer growth
models are discussed. The discussions apply contextually to the
problematic issue of growth and development in Africa. It is argued
that a very necessary condition for growth and transformational
development in Africa is heavy investment in human capital. It is
pointed out that countries that invest much human capital to
produce highly educated populaces usually reap the benefits of such
in terms of high per capita GDPs, regardless of the levels of their
technological and industrial output. Countries like New Zealand,
Iceland, and Denmark offer evidence of this. Models of African
development such as the Lagos Plan of Action in terms of the whole
continent are discussed within the context of existing impediments
to such progress.