Read and Comment. What advantage might a poor country have?
Discuss the plight of the children. (Keep in mind that the author
is a very liberal New York Times columnist.)
HEARTS AND HEADS
By Paul Krugman
SYNOPSIS: Anti-globalization protestors want to turn the world
into a nasty place. There is an old European saying: anyone who is
not a socialist before he is 30 has no heart; anyone who is still a
socialist after he is 30 has no head. Suitably updated, this
applies perfectly to the movement against globalization — the
movement that made its big splash in Seattle back in 1999 and is
doing its best to disrupt the Summit of the Americas in Quebec City
this weekend.
The facts of globalization are not always pretty. If you buy a
product made in a third-world country, it was produced by workers
who are paid incredibly little by Western standards and probably
work under awful conditions. Anyone who is not bothered by those
facts, at least some of the time, has no heart.
But that doesn't mean the demonstrators are right. On the
contrary: anyone who thinks that the answer to world poverty is
simple outrage against global trade has no head — or chooses not to
use it. The anti-globalization movement already has a remarkable
track record of hurting the very people and causes it claims to
champion.
The most spectacular example was last year's election. You
might say that because people with no heads indulged their idealism
by voting for Ralph Nader, people with no hearts are running the
world's most powerful nation.
Even when political action doesn't backfire, when the movement
gets what it wants, the effects are often startlingly malign. For
example, could anything be worse than having children work in
sweatshops? Alas, yes. In 1993, child workers in Bangladesh were
found to be producing clothing for Wal-Mart, and Senator Tom Harkin
proposed legislation banning imports from countries employing
underage workers. The direct result was that Bangladeshi textile
factories stopped employing children. But did the children go back
to school? Did they return to happy homes? Not according to Oxfam,
which found that the displaced child workers ended up in even worse
jobs, or on the streets — and that a significant number were forced
into prostitution.
The point is that third-world countries aren't poor because
their export workers earn low wages; it's the other way around.
Because the countries are poor, even what look to us like bad jobs
at bad wages are almost always much better than the alternatives:
millions of Mexicans are migrating to the north of the country to
take the low-wage export jobs that outrage opponents of Nafta. And
those jobs wouldn't exist if the wages were much higher: the same
factors that make poor countries poor — low productivity, bad
infrastructure, general social disorganization — mean that such
countries can compete on world markets only if they pay wages much
lower than those paid in the West.
Of course, opponents of globalization have heard this
argument, and they have answers. At a conference last week I heard
paeans to the superiority of traditional rural lifestyles over
modern, urban life — a claim that not only flies in the face of the
clear fact that many peasants flee to urban jobs as soon as they
can, but that (it seems to me) has a disagreeable element of
cultural condescension, especially given the overwhelming
preponderance of white faces in the crowds of demonstrators. (Would
you want to live in a pre-industrial village?) I also heard claims
that rural poverty in the third world is mainly the fault of
multinational corporations — which is just plain wrong, but is a
convenient belief if you want to think of globalization as an
unmitigated evil.
The most sophisticated answer was that the movement doesn't
want to stop exports — it just wants better working conditions and
higher wages.
But it's not a serious position. Third-world countries
desperately need their export industries — they cannot retreat to
an imaginary rural Arcadia. They can't have those export industries
unless they are allowed to sell goods produced under conditions
that Westerners find appalling, by workers who receive very low
wages. And that's a fact the anti- globalization activists refuse
to accept. So who are the bad guys? The activists are getting the
images they wanted from Quebec City: leaders sitting inside their
fortified enclosure, with thousands of police protecting them from
the outraged masses outside. But images can deceive. Many of the
people inside that chain-link fence are sincerely trying to help
the world's poor. And the people outside the fence, whatever their
intentions, are doing their best to make the poor even
poorer.
Originally published in The New York Times, 4.22.01