In: Economics
Give two reasons why actual trade policy might not always be the policy that maximizes national welfare but rather something that prioritizes the welfare of certain groups more than others?
Few countries have anything approaching completely free trade.
The city of Hong Kong, which is legally part of China but maintains
a separate economic policy, may he the only modern economy with no
tariffs or import quotas. Nonetheless, since the time of Adam Smith
economists have advocated free trade as an ideal toward which trade
policy should strive. The reasons for this advocacy are not quite
as simple as the idea itself. At one level. theoretical models
suggest that free trade will avoid the efficiency losses associated
with protection. Many economists believe that free trade produces
additional gains beyond the elimination of production and
consumption distortions. Finally, even among economists who believe
free trade is a less than perfect policy, many believe free trade
is usually better than any other policy a government is likely to
follow.There has long been a solid argument in favour of free trade
based on economic efficiency. This paper examines the extent to
which the emerging world trading regime
leaves nations the “policy space” to deploy effective policy for
long-run diversification and development and the extent to which
there is a convergence of such
policy space under global and regional trade regimes. We examine
the economic theory of trade and long-run growth and underscore the
fact that traditional theories lose luster in the presence of the
need for long-run dynamic comparative advantages and when market
failures are rife. We then review a “toolbox” of
policies that have been deployed by developed and developing
countries past and present to kick-start diversity and development
with the hope of achieving longrun growth. Next, we examine the
extent to which rules under the World Trade Organization (WTO),
trade agreements between the European Union (EU)
and developing countries, trade agreements between the United
States (US) and developing countries, and those among developing
countries (South-South, or
S-S, agreements) allow for the use of such policies. We demonstrate
that there is a great divergence among trade regimes over this
question. While S-S agreements provide ample policy space for
industrial development, the WTO and EU agreements largely represent
the middle of the spectrum in terms of constraining policy space
choices. On the far end, opposite S-S agreements, US agreements
place considerably more constraints by binding parties both broadly
and deeply in their trade commitments. A tariff is a tax on imports
or exports between sovereign states. It is a form of regulation of
foreign trade and policy that taxes foreign products to encourage
or safeguard domestic industry. Traditionally, states have used
them as a source of income. Nowadays, they are among the most
widely used instruments of protectionism, along with import and
export quotas.
Tariffs can be fixed (a constant sum per unit of imported goods or
a percentage of the price) or variable (the amount varies according
to the price). Taxing imports means people are less likely to buy
them as they become more expensive. The intention is that they buy
local products instead – boosting the country's economy. Tariffs
therefore provide an incentive to develop production and replace
imports with domestic products. Tariffs are meant to reduce
pressure from foreign competition and reduce the trade deficit.
They have historically been justified as a means to protect infant
industries and to allow import substitution industrialization.
Tariffs may also be used to rectify artificially low prices for
certain imported goods, due to 'dumping', export subsidies or
currency manipulation.Economists have had an enormous impact on
trade policy, and they provide a strong rationale for free trade
and for removal of trade barriers. Although the objective of a
trade agreement is to liberalize trade, the actual provisions are
heavily shaped by domestic and international political realities.
The world has changed enormously from the time when David Ricardo
proposed the law of comparative advantage, and in recent decades
economists have modified their theories to account for trade in
factors of production, such as capital and labor, the growth of
supply chains that today dominate much of world trade, and the
success of neomercantilist countries in achieving rapid growth.