Question

How we can relate the failure of SAARC ( South Asian association regional corporation) with the Classical veiwpoint of Adam Smith?

Answer 1

The SAARC was founded in Dhaka on 8 December 1985. Its secretariat is based in Kathmandu, Nepal. The organization promotes development of economic and regional integration. It launched the South Asian Free Trade Area in 2006. The SAARC maintains permanent diplomatic relations at the United Nations as an observer and has developed links with multilateral entities, including the European Union.Disappointed by the failures of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in meeting expectations of its eight country group, the South Asian Speakers' Summit has called for a cohesive role of the members to address their issues.
The leaders said SAARC could have played better role than certain groups like European Union and African Union as the South Asian countries were looking forward to a broader picture for the group where they could have SAARC Central Bank or common currency apart from common platform to discuss issues like unemployment and health.
It is unlikely that Huntington himself could have foreseen either the
rapidity or extent of religion’s rise to prominence in world affairs. He
had warned, of course, that Islam had especially bloody borders; but
that the rough outlines of a global fault line war pitting the West
against the Islamic world, or at least against its most refractory components, would be in place less than a decade hence was clearly
beyond anyone’s powers of prophecy.
Islamic militancy was already a burning issue in much of the world
by the end of the twentieth century. In late 2001, it quite unexpectedly hurtled to the top of the world threat list, driven there by the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington and the subsequent
launching of the global war on terrorism. The humiliating defeat of
Baathist-ruled Iraq by American-led coalition forces in April 2003
seemed bound to keep it there. Notwithstanding strenuous efforts in
this period by numerous national leaders and a host of intellectuals to
draw a clear distinction between Islam as a major and humane world
religion and Islam as a cloak for politically motivated terrorist violence, the temptation to dilute the distinction has faced increasingly less resistance. Indeed, there was some danger that a “clash of civilizations” of some sort was no longer mere abstraction.
Religion’s rise in salience was especially visible in world public opinion, where stunning changes in perceived threat seemed to confirm Huntington’s postulated refashioning of the world order.