1.Consumers spraying their lawns for control of white grubs with the formulation Dursban prior to its removal from hardware stores like Home Depot and Ace were estimated to have a high end exposure of about 0.015 mg/kg/day. Considering that this product would only be applied once or twice a growing season, the margin of exposure (MOE) relative to the acute no observable adverse effect level (NOEL or NOAEL) of 0.5 mg/kg/day is [______]. This exposure is [_______] (above or lower) EPAs levels of concern (LOC).

2. Although Roundup is more toxic than its active ingredient alone, cause for concern should a wetland be oversprayed is unlikely due to a short persistence time of the toxicant causing this differential effect. The reason for this short persistence time is the presence in natural waters of [__________________].

3. The work of Tyrone Hayes at the University of California-Berkeley has suggested that atrazine herbicide disrupts the endocrine system. Some scientists suggest therefore that frogs should be used as “canaries in a coal mine” and forewarn us about the imminent danger that this herbicide poses to human fertility and development. The plausibility of such an extrapolation is weak for which of the following reasons. (Choose all reasons that support the lack of plausibility)

a.The aggregate of all research on atrazine in a quantitative weight of evidence meta analysis concluded that effects on amphibian development and growth were unlikely

b. Studies published subsequent to Hayes early research were not able to repeat the observations of effects on frogs

c. Atrazine residues are hardly ever found in food, thus exposures would be minimized.

d. Atrazine residues are hardly ever found in water, thus exposures would be minimized.

Please show me how to calculate (a) to (c)

The RTO model for smartphones would work as follwos;

Customers could lease a high-end smartphone such as the Apple iPhone with retail price of $649 for a monthly fee of $30 with a minimum term of 12 months. After the minimum term, customers would have three options:

(1) buy the leased phone for $499 or

(2) continue leasing the phone for 30/ moth or

(3) return the leased phone to BB company.

It was estimated that 25% of customers would buy the phone, 25% would return the phone, and the remaining 50% would keep leasing the phone for an average of 24 months, after which they would return the depreciated price. The new phones would cost BB company an average of $599 to acquire. The depreciated value of the phones that BB company could realize was estimated at $499 ate the end of 12 months and $249 at end of 24 months. Due to the risky nature of the customers who would be attracted to the RTO arrangement, it was estimated that 20% of the phones rented under this arrangement would be lost to defaults. In the case of a default, BB company would need to write off the entire cost of buying the phone. Best Buy estimated that 0.5 million customers would sigh up for the RTO model in the first year, 1 million in the second year, and 2 million in the third year. BB company would apply an annual discount rate of 12% to calculate the NPV of the cash flows from the RTO model.

The fund’s loan agreement with Ecuador will worsen unemployment and poverty

Ecuadorian police arrest a protestor during a demonstration against president Lenin Moreno’s austerity measures. Photograph: Cristina Vega/AFP/Getty Images

When people think of the damage that wealthy countries – typically led by the US and its allies – cause to people in the rest of the world, they probably think of warfare. Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis died from the 2003 invasion, and then many more as the region became inflamed.

But rich countries also have considerable power over the lives of billions of people through their control over institutions of global governance. One of these is the International Monetary Fund. It has 189 member countries, but the US and its rich-country allies have a solid majority of the votes. The head of the IMF is by custom a European, and the US has enough votes to veto many major decisions by itself – although the rich countries almost never vote against each other.

To see what the problem looks like, consider a recent IMF loan. In March, Ecuador signed an agreement to borrow $4.2bn from the IMF over three years, provided that the government would adhere to a certain economic program spelled out in the arrangement. In the words of Christine Lagarde – then the IMF chief – this was “a comprehensive reform program aimed at modernizing the economy and paving the way for strong, sustained, and equitable growth”.

But is it? The program calls for an enormous tightening of the country’s national budget – about 6% of GDP over the next three years. (For comparison, imagine tightening the US federal budget by $1.4 trillion, through some combination of cutting spending and raising taxes). In Ecuador, this will include firing tens of thousands of public sector employees, raising taxes that fall disproportionately on poor people, and making cuts to public investment.

The overall impact of this large fiscal tightening will be to push the economy into recession. The IMF’s projections are for a relatively mild recession until next year, but it will likely be much deeper and longer – as often happens with IMF programs. Unemployment will rise – even the IMF program projections acknowledge that – and so will poverty.

One reason that it will likely turn out much worse than the IMF projects is that the program relies on assumptions that are not believable. For example, the IMF projects that there will be a net foreign private sector inflow into the economy of $5.4bn (about 5% of GDP) for 2019–2022. But if we look at the last three years, there was an outflow of $16.5bn (17% of GDP). What would make foreign investors suddenly so much more excited about bringing their money to Ecuador? Certainly not the recession that even the IMF is projecting.

There are other implausible assumptions and even some that result from accounting errors, and sadly they all go in the same direction. It seems that the program’s “expansionary austerity” – something that almost never happens – is unlikely to make Ecuador into a world-famous exception, where the economy grows as aggregate demand is slashed.

The program also seeks to reshape the economy in ways that, to many Ecuadorians, would appear to be political. The central bank will be made more autonomous; public assets will be privatized; and labor law will be changed in ways that give employers more unbridled power over workers. Some of these changes – for example, the separation of the central bank from other government decision-making – will make economic recovery even more difficult.

All this is taking place under a government – elected in 2017 on a platform of continuity – that seeks to reverse a prior decade of political reforms. These reforms were, by measures of economic and social indicators, successful. Poverty was reduced by 38% and extreme poverty by 47%; public investment – including hospitals, schools, roads, and electricity – more than doubled as a percent of the economy. But the prior government was a leftwing government that was more independent of the US (by, for example, closing down the US military base there).

One can imagine what this looks like, as the Trump administration now gains enormous power in Ecuador not only through the $4.2bn IMF loan, but also $6bn from related Washington-based multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank. (This totals about 10% of Ecuador’s annual GDP – equivalent to more than $2.1tn in the US.)

Actually, we don’t have to imagine much, since the new president, Lenín Moreno, has aligned himself with Trump’s foreign and economic policy in the region. At the same time, his government is persecuting his presidential predecessor, Rafael Correa, with false charges filed last year that even Interpol won’t honor with an international warrant. Other opposition leaders have fled the country to avoid illegal pre-trial detention – in the case of former foreign minister Ricardo Patiño, for making a speech that the government did not like.

Since Washington controls IMF decision-making for this hemisphere, the Trump administration and the fund are implicated in the political repression as well as the broader attempt to reconvert Ecuador into the kind of economy and politics that Trump and Pompeo would like to see, but most Ecuadorians clearly did not vote for.

All this provides even more reasons why there needs to be serious reform at the IMF, starting with making it more of a multilateral institution, as it pretends to be. In the past 20 years, the US Congress – which has to approve funding increases for the IMF – has on rare occasions intervened to eliminate some abuses. In the early 2000s, for example, millions of poor children in Africa gained access to primary education and health care because the US Congress made it impossible for the IMF and World Bank to require their governments to charge user fees for these basic needs – as these institutions had been doing for years.

In the coming weeks, the IMF will almost certainly choose a new, affluent white European to head the institution. Progressive members of Congress, who care about what US foreign policy does to the rest of the world, should weigh in with some demands for reform.

1. PLEASE GIVE A SHORT ANALYSIS OF THIS ARTICLE AND EXPLAIN WHAT THE IMF COULD HAVE DONE TO BETTER HELP ECUADOR

Which of the following will cause the Australian dollar (AUD) to depreciate against the US dollar (USD)?

A) An increase in Australian demand for US electronics.

B) A decrease in the Australian price level

C) An increase in the Australian interest rate

D) Expected appreciation of the Australian dollar against the US dollar amongst currency traders

E) An increase in US demand for Australian coal.

15. Use golden rule in the Solow growth framework to analyze the following three facts about the US economy, and discuss whether the US is over (or under) accumulating capital.
    1. The US capital stock is about 1.6 times of one year’s GDP;
    2. about 10% of GDP is used to replace depreciating capital;
    3. the return to capital is about 25% of US GDP.

A social scientist would like to analyze the relationship between educational attainment (in years of higher education) and annual salary (in $1,000s). He collects data on 20 individuals. A portion of the data is as follows:

1. Find the sample regression equation for the model: Salary = β₀ + β₁Education + ε.

2. What is the predicted salary for an individual who completed 6 years of higher education?

According to the WHO, the recent Coronavirus 2019 (2019-nCoV) outbreak was firstly reported on December 31, 2019 in China. This virus is growing rapidly, and the health organizations are working hard to reduce the number of cases.

As a public health official, using the Public Health Pyramid levels, explain how we can plan, implement, and evaluate a certain plan of your own. Think about how you can contribute the individual and the community level to help reduce the number of cases.

• History of the virus. (1 Paragraph)
• Describe the recent statistics and data of the Coronavirus (2019-nCoV). (1 Paragraph)
• Explain how you can use the Public Health Pyramid to identify the planning, implementing, and the evaluation process to reduce the number of cases. (2 Paragraphs)

1. Other factors held constant, which type of firm would be more likely to fully retain (self-insure) its workers compensation losses?

(a) A firm with an individual shareholder who owns 50% of the stock versus a firm in which no single shareholder owns more than 1% of the stock.

(b) A trucking firm with 5,000 drivers versus a manufacturing firm with 5,000 workers at a single plant.

(c) A firm with operating profits positively correlated with claim costs versus a firm with operating profits uncorrelated with claim costs.

(d) A firm with a large amount of debt in its capital structure versus a firm with no debt.

THIS IS NOT A MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION. DESCRIBE A FIRM THAT WOULD CHOOSE TO RETAIN THE LOSS AND WHY UNDER EACH CIRCUMSTANCE.

3. Genetic screens Geneticists use the F3 screen (see below) to isolate and characterize new mutations in a wide variety of animal and plants. Use your knowledge of mutagenesis and Mendelian inheritance to answer the following questions. A. Why is the F3 screen necessary, i.e. why is it that most mutants cannot be identified in the F1 generation? B. Would it work to mate the F1 fish carrying a mutation to one of its mutant siblings? Why or why not? C. A single zebrafish mating produces around one hundred offspring. In practical terms, a geneticist who performs the F3 screen will separate out each individual F1 offspring, and carry its descendants through the F2 and F3 generations independently of the others. Why is this necessary?

Explain the selected leadership style, as well as the psychological underpinnings that lead you to believe this specific style will work best for you.

Explain the vision you have of a successful leader who employs your selected leadership style

Find a measure of this leadership style.  How does the content of the measure compare to your "vision" (definition) of what this type of leader needs to do? What don't you like about this measure?

How does this style of leadership influence an individual to function in a diverse workplace? A global economy?

Discuss previously published academic writing regarding this specific leadership style. Analyze strengths, weaknesses, and explain what conditions must be present for this specific style to be the best leadership style within an organization.