Utilize either of the following theories: Gestalt, Behavior, or CBT

What theory or theories will be most appropriate for this client? What are the main concepts regarding the theories? How can the client’s problem be understood utilizing the theories? Ex: “The client reports difficulty in x, y, and z problems. According to the psychoanalytic theory, the client may be exhibiting these symptoms due to her early childhood experiences….” Expand from there to thoroughly examine the problem through the theory lens. Describe what the suggested theory (or theories) says about the possible cause or origin of the primary problem(s) discussed. If you choose to explore multiple theories, limit it to 2 so the study remains consistent and clear in its direction.

A brief description of data from the intake form is provided here:

            Age: 39

            Sex: Female

            Race: Caucasian

            Marital Status: Married

            Socioeconomic Status: Middle class

            Appearance: Dresses meticulously, is overweight, fidgets constantly with her clothes,

            avoids eye contact, and speaks rapidly.

            Living Situation: Recently graduated from college as an elementary-education major,

            Lives with husband (John, 45) and her children (Rob, 19; Jennifer, 18; Susan, 17; and

            Adam, 16).

Presenting Problem

Client reports general dissatisfaction. She says her life is rather uneventful and predictable, and she feels some panic over reaching the age of 39, wondering where the years have gone. For 2 years she has been troubled with a range of psychosomatic complaints, including sleep disturbances, anxiety, dizziness, heart palpitations, and headaches. At times she has to push herself to leave the house. Client complains that she cries easily over trivial matters, often feels depressed, and has a weight problem.

History of Presenting Problem

Client’s major career was as a housewife and mother until her children became adolescents. She then entered college part time and obtained a bachelor’s degree. She has recently begun work toward a credential in elementary education. Through her contacts with others at the university, she became aware of how she has limited herself; how she has fostered her family’s dependence on her own life. As a part of the course, she participated in self-awareness groups, had a few individual counseling sessions, and wrote several papers dealing with the turning points in her own life. One of the requirements was to write an extensive autobiography based on an application of the principles of the counseling course to her own personal development. This course and her experiences with fellow students in it acted as a catalyst in getting her to take an honest look at her life. Ruth is not clear at this point who she is, apart from being mother, wife, and student. She realizes that she does not have a good sense of what she wants for herself and that she typically lived up to what others in her life wanted for her. Ruth has decided to seek individual counseling to explore her concerns in several areas:

• A physician whom she consulted could find no organic or medical basis for her physical symptoms and recommended personal therapy. In her words, her major symptoms are these: “I sometimes feel very panicky, especially at night when I’m trying to sleep. Sometimes I’ll wake up and find it difficult to breathe, my heart will be pounding, and I’ll break out in a cold sweat. I toss and turn trying to relax, and instead I feel tense and worry a lot about many little things. It’s hard for me to turn off these thoughts. Then during the day I’m so tired I can hardly function, and I find that lately I cry very easily if even minor things go wrong.”
• Ruth is aware that she has lived a very structured and disciplined life, that she has functioned largely by taking care of the home and the needs of her four children and her husband, and that to some degree she is no longer content with this. Yet she reports that she doesn’t know what “more than this” is. Although she would like to get more involved professionally, the thought of doing so frightens her. She worries about her right to think and act selfishly, she fears not succeeding in the professional world, and most of all she worries about how becoming more professionally involved might threaten her family.
• Ruth’s children range in age from 16-19, and all of them are not finding more of their satisfactions outside the family and the home are spending increasing time with their friends. Ruth sees these changes and is concerned about “losing” them. She is having particular problems with her daughter Jennifer, and she is at a loss how to deal with Jennifer’s rebellion. In general, Ruth feels very much unappreciated by her children.
• In thinking about her future, Ruth is not really sure who or what she wants to become. She would like to develop a sense of herself apart from the expectations of others. She finds herself wondering what she “should” want and what she “should” be doing. Ruth does not find her relationship with her husband, John, at all satisfactory. He appears to be resisting her attempts to make changes and prefers that she remain as she was. But she is anxious over the prospects of challenging this relationship, fearing that if she does she might end up alone.
• Lately, Ruth is experiencing more concern over aging and losing her “looks.” All of these factors combined have provided the motivation for her to take the necessary steps to initiate individual therapy. Perhaps the greatest catalyst that triggered her to come for therapy is the increase of her physical symptoms and her anxiety.

Psychosocial History

Client was the oldest of four children. Her father is a fundamentalist minister, and her mother, a housewife. She describes her father as distant, authoritarian, and rigid; her relationship with him was one of unquestioning, fearful adherence to his rules and standards. She remembers her mother as being critical, and she thought that she could never do enough to please her. At other times her mother was supportive. The family demonstrated little affection. In many ways Ruth took on the role of caring for her younger brother and sisters, largely in the hope of winning the approval of her parents. When she attempted to have any kind of fun, Ruth encountered her father’s disapproval and outright scorn. To a large extent this pattern of taking care of others has extended throughout her life.

      One critical incident took place when Ruth was 6 years old. She reported: “my father caught me ‘playing doctor’ with an 8-year-old boy. He lectured me and refused to speak to me for weeks. I felt extremely guilty and ashamed.” It appears that Ruth carried feelings of guilt into her adolescence and that she repressed her own emerging sexuality.

      In her social relationships Ruth had difficulty making and keeping friends. She felt socially isolated from her peers because they viewed her as “weird.” Although she wanted the approval of others, she was not willing to compromise her morals for fear of consequence.

      She was not allowed to date until she completed high school. At the age of 19 she married the first person that she dated. She used her mother as a role model by becoming a homemaker.

1.      What are employer' rights regarding employee lifestyle choices?

2.      What are the employee' rights regarding lifestyle choices?

Based in this article

Finding employment is becoming increasingly dificult for smokers. Twenty-nine U.S. states have passed legislation prohibiting employers from refusing to hire job ause they smoke, but 21 states have no such restrictions. Many ealth care organizations, such as the Cleveland Clinic and Baylor Health Care System, and some large non-health care employers, including Scotts Miracle-Gro, Union Pacific Railroad, and Alaska Airlines, now have a policy of not hiring smokers-a practice opposed by 65 percent of Americans, according to a 2012 poll by Harris International. agree with those polled, believing that categorically refusing to hire smokers is unethical: it results in a failure to care for people, places an additional burden on already- disadvantaged populations, and preempts interventions that more bec efféectively promote smoking cessation. One justification for not employing smokers, used primar- ly by health care organizations, is symbolic. When the World Health Organization introduced a nonsmoker-only" hiring policy in 2008, it cited its commitment to tobacco control and the importance of '"denormalizing" tobacco use. Health organizations with similar policies have argued that their mployees must serve as role models for patients and that only care nonsmokers can do so.

A second, more general, argument is that employees must take personal responsibility for actions that impose financial or other burdens on employers or fellow employees. Accord- ingly, smokers should be responsible for the consequences of their smoking, such as higher costs for health insurance claims, higher rates of absenteeism, and lower productivity. These costs amount to an estimated additional $4,000 annually for each smoking employee. Yet it seems paradoxical for health care organizations that exist to care for the sick to refuse to employ smokers. Many patients are treated for illnesses to which their behavior has contributed, including chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, heart failure, diabetes, and infections spread through unpro- tected sex or other voluntary activities. It is callous-and contradictory-for health care institutions devoted to caring for patients regardless of the causes of their illness to refuse to employ smokers. Just as they should treat people regardless of their degrée of responsibility for their own ill health, they should not discriminate against qualified job candidates on the basis of health-related behavior. The broader claim that it is fair to exclude smokers because they are responsible for raising health care costs is too simplis- tic. It ignores the fact that smoking is addictive and therefore not completely voluntary. Among adult daily smokers, 88 per- cent began smoking by the time they were 18,1 before society would consider them fully responsible for their actions. Much of this early smoking is subtly and not so subtly encouraged by cigarette companies. As many as 69 percent of smokers want to quit, but the addictive properties of tobacco make that exceed- ingly difficult: only 3 to 5 percent of unaided cessation attempts succeed.3 It is therefore wrong to treat smoking as something fully under an individual's control

In addition, all other diseases-and many healthful behaviors-also result in additional health care costs. Peo- ple with cancer burden their fellow workers through higher health care costs and absenteeism. People who engage in risky sports may have accidents or experience trauma rou tinely and burden coworkers with additional costs. Having babies increases premiums for fellow employees who have Many of these costs result from seemingly innocent, everyday lifestyle choices; some choices, such as those regarding diet and exercise, may affect cancer incidence as well as rates of diabetes and heart disease We as a society have rejected the notion that individuals should be fully responsible for their own health care costs. In instituting health insurance, we acknowledge the fragility of health and the costliness of restoring it, and we minimize cata- strophic consequences. The United States has chosen to pool risk predominantly through employers rather than the govern ment. Consequently, U.S. law requires firms with more than 50 employees to provide risk-pooled insurance. Finally, although less than one fifth of Americans currently smoke, rates of tobacco use vary markedly among sociodemo- graphic groups, with higher rates in poorer and less-educated populations. Some 42 percent of American Indian or Alaska Native adults smoke, but only 8 percent of Asian women do. Among adults with less than a high school education, 32 per cent are smokers; among college graduates, smoking rates are just over 13 percent. More than 36 percent of Americans living low the federal poverty line are smokers, as compared with 22.5 percent of those with incomes above that level. Crucially, policies against hiring smokers result in a "double whammy" r many unemployed people, among whom smoking rates are nearly 45 percent (as compared with 28 percent among Ameri- cans with full-time employment).4 These policies therefore roportionately and unfairly affect groups that are already burdened by high unemployment rates, poor job prospects, and job insecurity what should employers do? We believe that offering sup- port for healthful behaviors is the best approach. Central in this regard is assisting employees by providing evidence-based smoking-cessation programs, removing cost barriers, facilitat- ing access, and providing necessary psychological counseling nd other support. For example, many employers, such as Wal- greens, provide free nicotine-replacement therapy and smoking sation counseling to employees

Recent research also indicates that financial incentives can effectively promote smoking cessation. For example, a ran- domized, controlled trial involving employees of General Elec- tric showed that a combination of incentives amounting to $750 led to cessation rates three times those achieved through information- only approaches (14.7% vs. 5.0 %)

But General Electric's experience also reflects the politi. cal challenges of instituting policies regarding smokers. When the company decided to provide the program to all employees. nonsmokers objected to losing out on what would effectively be lower insurance premiums for their smoker colleagues. In response, the company replaced the $750 reduction with a $62;5 surcharge for smokers. Just like policies of not hiring smokers, penalties imposed on smokers raise serious ethical and policy concerns. The Department of Labor is considering whether to permit employ- ers to penalize smokers with a surcharge of up to 50 percent of the cost of their health insurance coverage (typically than $2,000 per employee per year). Yet even rewards for quit- ting are hard to sell to nonsmokers, who might also object to free smoking-cessation programs they through their insurance premiums. Underlying such opposition a distorted notion of personal responsibility and deserved- ness, according to which refraining from smoking results from willpower and active choice alone. Although some employees may be nonsmokers through such efforts, most should have the to recognize that "there but for the grace of God go they

Given nonsmokers resistance, it would be helpful if employers providing smoking cessation support engaged in early out reach emphasizing that helping smokers to quit adheres to the principle of risk pooling underlying health insurance. Success- ful cessation programs could lead to higher productivity and lower insurance contributions for nonsmokers, thereby benefit- diven nonsmokers' resistance, it would be helpful if employ. ing all employees. The goal of reducing smoking rates is important. Although smoking rates among U.S. adults have decreased from 42 percent in 1965 to 19 percent today,5 more remains to be done, particu- larly for low-income and unemployed populations. Promoting public health is a shared responsibility, and employers have a social obligation to contribute to the public health mission out- lined by the Institute of Medicine: "fulfill ing] society's interest in assuring conditions in which people can be healthy. By cherry- picking "low-risk" employees and denying employment to smokers, employers neglect this obligation, risk hurting vulnerable groups, and behave unethically. The same goes for imposing high penalties on smokers under the guise of providing wellness incentives. We believe that employers should consider more construc- tive approaches than punishing smokers. In hiring decisions, they should focus on whether candidates meet the job require- ments; then they should provide genuine support to employ ees who wish to quit smoking. And health care organizations in particular should show compassion for their workers. This roach may even be a win-win economic solution, sinc employees who feel supported will probably be more produc ap tive than will those who live in fear of penalties.

ROLE-PLAY EXERCISE On Command Corporation PROCESS You have been assigned a role in the On Command Corporation case. Please read the general information (Introduction) about the case. Read and understand your role. Your teammates have different roles. Due the situation, you need to work with your team to produce an employee meeting, you have 15 minutes to present the statement and conduct the meeting – see the link attached with information about an employee meeting (you need to create a statements, be prepare for questions, and defend your organization). Key Issues Sexual harassment Employee retaliation Appropriateness of product This role-play was developed by Mark Arvizu, Ira Baeringer, Mark Hess, Kelley Hoven, Bill Speights, and Jennifer Sawayda for and under the direction of O.C. and Linda Ferrell. © 2015 On Command Corporation Background (Everyone reads.) On Command Corporation (OCC) is a world-leading provider of interactive in-room entertainment, information, and business services to the lodging industry. The company annually serves more than 250 million guests through 950,000 rooms in approximately 3,450 hotel properties. OCC provides on-demand and, in some cases, scheduled in-room television viewing of major motion pictures and independent non-rated motion pictures for mature audiences, for which guests pay on a pay-per-view basis. Depending on the type of platform installed and the size of the hotel, guests can choose up to 50 different movies with an on-demand system, or eight to 12 movies with a scheduled system. In addition to pay-per-view movies, OCC offers other services such as short subjects (such as yoga and sporting packages), Internet services, music, game services, and other hotel and guest services. OCC obtains the non-exclusive rights to show recently released motion pictures from major motion picture studios during the time period after the initial theatrical release and before home video or cable distribution. The company also contracts with a variety of other vendors and distributors of in-room entertainment for the other products it sells to hotels and guests. OCC negotiates contracts with major hotel chains and individual hotels that involve agreement on the type and extent of movies and services that are offered. Programming choices are key for OCC to differentiate itself from competitors. As guests order movies, they are shown in their rooms and then appear on their bill at check-out. Depending on the contract with the hotel, it may receive some of the profits from the movie ordered. The PS4 games are the least profitable, while adult films are by far the most profitable. Although not disclosed directly, most of the company’s revenues are from adult movies. In fact, some analysts estimate that up to 80 percent of the revenues OCC generates are from its adult movie business. A new management team has come to On Command and is evaluating the company’s strategy and business plan. Although the company has been around for 10 years with 2014 revenues of $262 million, it still has yet to become profitable. Three recent events have re-kindled discussion about the true nature of the company’s products, as well as potential ethical issues. The first situation arose when several female employees complained to their superiors about feeling uncomfortable in the presence of a certain male colleague, Ted Jones, because of what they say are “lewd” remarks about women. Ted Jones is the senior adult film editor whose job it is to edit adult films to reduce graphic sexual content. When approached about his actions, Ted defended himself by denying the allegations. Due to lack of concrete proof, Ted was given a warning and the women who filed the complaint were told just to avoid Ted whenever possible. However, more complaints have surfaced, and the human resources department has decided to conduct an investigation. The second issue arose from a complaint filed by another female employee, Donna Wilson, working as an administrative assistant. She threated to file suit against the company because of the way she was treated. She was personally offended by the content of the adult movies. Although she had signed a document that clearly stated the nature of the videos available for viewing in her office upon her hire, she protested and said that the adult portion of the OCC product line should not be viewable in any of the corporate offices because it was sexually offensive, degraded women, and promoted sexual harassment in the workplace. She also insisted that the true extent of the sexual content was not explained to her when she signed the agreement. After hearing her complaint, her supervisor informed her of the release she had signed and also told her she had the clear choice not to work there. Since that time, Donna alleges, she claims she overheard her supervisor telling other workers to shun her at work because she was a troublemaker who refused to be a team player. She has also been cut out of meetings and claims the supervisor is constantly cutting her down in front of her colleagues. Finally, it has recently come to management’s attention that there has been a drop in revenue due to the deliberate refusal of many hotels to offer the adult film products as they would conflict with their quality, “family-friendly” image. The increase is this type of product censorship has led to a drop in revenue for OCC. At a recent meeting at Liberty Media (OCC’s parent company), several questions were raised about the ethical nature of OCC’s primary revenue source. Questions such as these were presented during the discussion regarding what to do with struggling OCC. A big question is whether it was masquerading as an entertainment company with many different product offerings to mask the fact that it is really in the adult movie business. Management is not sure whether it would be wise to disclose where most of its revenue comes from. Also, is the nature of how the company handles the editing of adult films internally encouraging sexual harassment and retaliation of female employees? The management team decided to develop a business strategy they could use going forward. AND I AM Pam Stone – General Counsel You joined OCC at the same time Chris Smith did. You both came from another subsidiary of Liberty Media, the parent company of OCC and several other entertainment type companies. Your specialty is more in the contract and merger and acquisition area. However, you have been dealing with a tremendous amount of employment-related issues. The human resources department has been significantly cut, meaning that you must often work in close proximity with Don Randall, the human resource manager. Chris has made you aware that all of the offices contain televisions, and employees have the same access as hotel guests. This includes the adult films. You have recently begun to research charges brought up by Ms. Wilson. You feel that adult movies should not be watched in the workplace unless they are being edited or viewed for possible selection. You learn that many employees frequently watch adult content in their offices, although most claim they do so during their break time. OCC has about 300 employees in the field who work directly with hotels to install the product as well as perform updates to products. Unfortunately, the system OCC currently uses does not allow for updates to be done electronically. The field service employees see the adult films during the updating process. OCC also manufactures its own “box” that allows the pay per systems to operate. As part of the testing process, the manufacturing employees must test each line of products by watching to make sure they work properly regular cable, short subjects, games, and adult films. The human resource manager Don Randall has provided you with waivers and disclaimers that all employees sign upon hire indicating that they may be exposed to adult film content during their employment. However, Ms. Wilson’s claims have gone beyond simply being offended. Now she is claiming that her supervisor has begun retaliating against her because she complained. This could certainly be grounds for a lawsuit if not handled properly. Don Randall has also asked you for assistance in handling some potential sexual harassment allegations he has heard. Since you came to OCC, you have been responsible for collecting and providing due diligence to an outside law firm to review for a possible merger and/or sale. You were intimately involved in the contract to secure an additional $60 million investment from Liberty Media. You have also been involved in many of the discussions with Chris Smith and executive VP and CFO Bill Moore as to what the company strategy needs to be.

case presentations what can be my answer for this case if I am the general counsel

it could be 1 or 2 slide it does not matter thank in advance

"Thanksgiving weekend. Tanya Martinez is looking forward to a busy holiday weekend entertaining her extended family. Tanya, 29, is a busy stay-at-home mom. She has a degree in Business Administration and recently worked in marketing for a major insurance company in the city. Married nearly 8 years ago, Tanya and her husband Alex, 29, have two children. Tanya quit working several years ago to raise their two children, 4-year-old Randy and 2-year-old Samantha. The Martinezes, a multiracial couple, lived in a large city in the Northwest, where Alex works as a skilled construction carpenter on high-rise commercial building projects.
Tanya, Alex, and the kids celebrated the holiday with Tanya’s mom Deidra, a city engineer; dad Michael, a college professor; her brother, a computer engineer; and her sister-in-law, a nurse practitioner. On Friday, Tanya felt some nausea and intestinal discomfort, which she assumed was due to the Thanksgiving festivities. While Tanya was typically active and athletic, she had to skip her usual long-distance run. By Saturday, her condition had quickly worsened. She was weak, vomiting with periodic abdominal pain, and using cold compresses for a high fever.
With Tanya running a 103o fever Sunday, Alex stayed home with Randy and Samantha, while her parents Deidra and Michael took her to Urgent Care at a nearby full-service medical center. There she was quickly sent to the Emergency Department of the 400+ bed, Level 2 Trauma Center. Various lab tests and a CT scan showed an elevated white blood cell count, but no conclusive findings regarding her non-specific intestinal discomfort. So, after rounds of antibiotics and fluids for dehydration, Tanya was sent home without any prescriptions or further instructions.
Tanya’s condition did not improve by Tuesday, and she was still experiencing a high fever plus nausea, bloating, and abdominal pain. The family brought Tanya back to Urgent Care, where she was sent to the Emergency Department again, and then referred to the main hospital for observation care. Observation care is a hospital outpatient category (even though patients stay overnight). It is controversial because it blurs the lines between outpatient and inpatient care, which often increases the patient’s financial liability (due to larger co-pays). It can also compromise clinical care delivery due to poorer coordination of care during observation stays (Hagland, 2018; Society of Hospital Medicine, 2017).
In the observation care ward, Tanya was seen by several hospitalists who each interacted with her for different purposes and with different questions. They conducted a variety of additional blood draws and lab tests to assess intestinal illnesses such as Crohn’s disease, inflammatory bowel conditions, or possible intestinal blockage. While observation care is intended to take 24 hours, or 48 hours maximum, in practice it sometimes exceeds 48 hours (Society of Hospital Medicine, 2017). Tanya ended up in observation care for 5 days.
Observation ward rooms are shared, and during Tanya’s stay, three different female roommates entered observation care and were admitted to inpatient care shortly thereafter. Tanya’s first roommate did not permit Tanya’s husband Alex to stay overnight with Tanya, so her mother stayed with her each night. Alex, their children, and family were frequent visitors during the 5 days.
One evening when both parents Deidra and Michael were visiting Tanya, they noted two uniformed city police officers in the corridor talking to the in-charge nurse. The pair of officers soon entered Tanya’s room unannounced saying “We have to check your belongings,” without offering any explanation. Tanya and her parents complied but were unclear about what was happening. When one officer asked, “Does she have a history of drug abuse?” Deidra exploded, saying “What are you doing here? Leave right now!” The officer explained “We’ve had calls and a report there have been a lot of visitors and possible illegal drug activities here.” Next, the in-charge nurse burst into the room stating, “It’s a mistake, it’s not this room, it’s another room!” The officers were quickly redirected to search the nearby room occupied by a well-tattooed white male.
Frustrated by days with no clear diagnosis or treatment plan and angered by the allegation his daughter was using drugs, Michael demanded “I want to see the nursing supervisor now or we are leaving this hospital and will sue you!” When the RN supervisor arrived, Michael confronted him “Why did you call the cops on my daughter?” The supervisor wanted to check on what happened and scheduled a meeting for the next day after tempers had cooled.
During a tense meeting with the RN supervisor the next day, her parents sought to transfer Tanya to a different hospital and leave “Against Medical Advice” (AMA). Informed that insurance might not cover an AMA transfer, and that another hospital might not accept an AMA, they “felt like hostages, with no options.” Unwilling to take the risk, the parents compromised that the hospital could transfer Tanya to the medical floor on in-patient status with a private room.
Michael and Deidra also confronted the floor nurses, asking “Why did you send the police to Tanya’s room?” The nurses explained that “somebody had called the cops,” leaving the nurses to guess which patient it might be. A junior nurse admitted she had pointed the police towards Tanya’s room. Even Tanya’s observation ward roommate, who was present when the police arrived, said their treatment from the nurses and officers was inappropriate. The hospital’s security chief apologized and said he “would look into” the incident with the police.
Tanya spent another week as an inpatient on the medical floor. At the time of transfer to inpatient status, she was generally stable, though very weak, and showed few signs of improvement. She was still nauseous, with abdominal distention and cramping, and little bowel activity. The family hoped Tanya’s attentive new physician, Dr. Johnson, would finally get a clear diagnosis and treatment plan. Dr. Johnson arranged for endoscopy and requested other consults, though staff resisted performing a second CT scan (after two previous ones in the ED), saying “she should get better.” Finally, 4 days later, before going off rotation, Dr. Johnson’s written medical report called for a surgical consultation, stipulating that if the hospital could not provide answers and appropriate treatment the patient would need to be transferred to University Hospitals for additional evaluation and care.
At last the third CT scan clearly showed an intestinal ileus—a potentially dangerous stoppage of the normal intestinal contractions that move food through the intestines. While an ileus is commonly a complication of abdominal surgery, Tanya had no history of surgery or medical conditions that lead to an ileus, and prior to her sudden hospitalization had been very healthy and fit. After surgeons drained accumulated fluids and matter from her lower abdomen, they put her on antibiotics, and released her from hospital the next day—after 2 weeks in the hospital. Tanya gradually recovered at home, though it took several months to regain her strength and eventually return to her active lifestyle.
Deidra and Michael filed a complaint on Tanya’s behalf shortly after she was released from hospital. They identified the following substandard practices:

■   Abusive encounter: Patient was accused by uniformed police of using drugs without reasonable cause. This incident also raised the question of whether Tanya and her husband came under suspicion because Alex is of Latino/Native American descent.
■   Negligence that compromised quality of care: Patient was assigned to observation care for 5 days without clear diagnosis and treatment; patient was admitted on in-patient basis for 5 days and staff resisted taking further action to refine the diagnosis and treat appropriately. The resulting delayed confirmation of an ileus further weakened Tanya and prolonged her time to full recovery months later.
■   Observation Notice Requirement: Patient was assigned to and maintained on observation status without sufficient diagnostic efforts, and without explanation of its clinical and financial implications.

The hospital completed its internal review without interviewing Tanya, her family members, or her roommate. While acknowledging the grievance, the hospital’s report concluded Tanya’s care was appropriate."

"Discussion Questions

1. How do you suppose each of the actors in this case interpreted the situation? What did they believe they were seeing and how would they explain it?
2.What automatic thinking, cognitive biases, and stereotypes may be affecting how each of the actors sees this situation? Include as many as you can think of.
3.Because assumptions tend to be wrong, they must be tested. Of the assumptions and attributions you have generated, which ones could the actors check or verify?
4.Describe a patient’s likely mental schema for a quiet evening on a hospital ward. How might the appearance of uniformed police on the ward affect patients? The staff? The staff’s judgments and actions?
5.What stereotypes or biases might hospital staff hold about a potential drug user?
6.If you were on the hospital’s risk management committee with responsibility for preventing misunderstandings that could lead to a complaint or lawsuit, what concerns and what further questions do you have regarding each charge? What would you recommend the hospital do differently?
7.Based on the information in the case, how do you assess the family’s three complaints?"

Hello, A summary of the article below

I need a summary of the article below please. Thank you

As Coronavirus Surveillance Escalates, Personal Privacy Plummets

Tracking entire populations to combat the pandemic now could open the doors to more invasive forms of government snooping later.

In January, South Korea began posting detailed location histories about people who tested positive for the coronavirus, leading to public blaming and shaming.Credit...Woohae Cho for The New York Times

By Natasha Singer and Choe Sang-Hun

In South Korea, government agencies are harnessing surveillance-camera footage, smartphone location data and credit card purchase records to help trace the recent movements of coronavirus patients and establish virus transmission chains.

In Lombardy, Italy, the authorities are analyzing location data transmitted by citizens’ mobile phones to determine how many people are obeying a government lockdown order and the typical distances they move every day. About 40 percent are moving around “too much,” an official recently said.

In Israel, the country’s internal security agency is poised to start using a cache of mobile phone location data — originally intended for counterterrorism operations — to try to pinpoint citizens who may have been exposed to the virus.

As countries around the world race to contain the pandemic, many are deploying digital surveillance tools as a means to exert social control, even turning security agency technologies on their own civilians. Health and law enforcement authorities are understandably eager to employ every tool at their disposal to try to hinder the virus — even as the surveillance efforts threaten to alter the precarious balance between public safety and personal privacy on a global scale.

Yet ratcheting up surveillance to combat the pandemic now could permanently open the doors to more invasive forms of snooping later. It is a lesson Americans learned after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, civil liberties experts say.

Nearly two decades later, law enforcement agencies have access to higher-powered surveillance systems, like fine-grained location tracking and facial recognition — technologies that may be repurposed to further political agendas like anti-immigration policies. Civil liberties experts warn that the public has little recourse to challenge these digital exercises of state power.

“We could so easily end up in a situation where we empower local, state or federal government to take measures in response to this pandemic that fundamentally change the scope of American civil rights,” said Albert Fox Cahn, the executive director of the Surveillance Technology Oversight Project, a nonprofit organization in Manhattan.

As an example, he pointed to a law enacted by New York State this month that gives Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo unlimited authority to rule by executive order during state crises like pandemics and hurricanes. The law allows him to issue emergency response directives that could overrule any local regulations.

In Lombardy, the Italian authorities are using cellphone location data to determine what percentage of people are obeying a lockdown order.Credit...Alessandro Grassani for The New York Times

Increased surveillance and health data disclosures have also drastically eroded people’s ability to keep their health status private.

This month, Australia’s health minister publicly chastised a doctor whom she accused of treating patients while experiencing symptoms of the virus — essentially outing him by naming the small clinic in Victoria where he worked with a handful of other physicians.

The health provider, who tested positive for the coronavirus, responded with a Facebook post saying the minister had incorrectly characterized his actions for political gain and demanded an apology.

“That could extend to anyone, to suddenly have the status of your health blasted out to thousands or potentially millions of people,” said Chris Gilliard, an independent privacy scholar based in the Detroit area. “It’s a very strange thing to do because, in the alleged interest of public health, you are actually endangering people.”

But in emergencies like pandemics, privacy must be weighed against other considerations, like saving lives, said Mila Romanoff, data and governance lead for United Nations Global Pulse, a U.N. program that has studied using data to improve emergency responses to epidemics like Ebola and dengue fever.

“We need to have a framework that would allow companies and public authorities to cooperate, to enable proper response for the public good,” Ms. Romanoff said. To reduce the risk that coronavirus surveillance efforts might violate people’s privacy, she said, governments and companies should limit the collection and use of data to only what is needed. “The challenge is,” she added, “how much data is enough?”

New software in China decides whether people should be quarantined or permitted to enter public places like subways. Green means a person is at liberty to go out.Credit...Raymond Zhong

The fast pace of the pandemic, however, is prompting governments to put in place a patchwork of digital surveillance measures in the name of their own interests, with little international coordination on how appropriate or effective they are.

In hundreds of cities in China, the government is requiring citizens to use software on their phones that automatically classifies each person with a color code — red, yellow or green — indicating contagion risk. The software determines which people should be quarantined or permitted to enter public places like subways. But officials have not explained how the system makes such decisions, and citizens have felt powerless to challenge it.

In Singapore, the Ministry of Health has posted information online about each coronavirus patient, often in stunning detail, including relationships to other patients. The idea is to warn individuals who may have crossed paths with them, as well as alert the public to potentially infected locations. “Case 219 is a 30-year-old male,” says one entry on the Health Ministry’s site, who worked at the “Sengkang Fire Station (50 Buangkok Drive),” is “in an isolation room at Sengkang General Hospital” and “is a family member of Case 236.”

In Singapore, the Ministry of Health has posted information online about each coronavirus patient, often in stunning detail.Credit...Adam Dean for The New York Times

On Friday, Singapore also introduced a smartphone app for citizens to help the authorities locate people who may have been exposed to the virus. The app, called TraceTogether, uses Bluetooth signals to detect mobile phones that are nearby. If an app user later tests positive for the virus, the health authorities may examine the data logs from the app to find people who crossed their paths. A government official said the app preserved privacy by not revealing users’ identities to one another.

In Mexico, after public health officials notified Uber about a passenger infected with the virus, the company suspended the accounts of two drivers who had given him rides, along with more than 200 passengers who had ridden with those drivers.

In the United States, the White House recently spoke with Google, Facebook and other tech companies about potentially using aggregated location data captured from Americans’ mobile phones for public health surveillance of the virus. Several members of Congress subsequently wrote a letter urging President Trump and Vice President Mike Pence to protect any virus-related data that companies collected from Americans.

The digital dictates may enable governments to exert more social control and enforce social distancing during the pandemic. They also raise questions about when surveillance may go too far.

In January, South Korean authorities began posting detailed location histories on each person who tested positive for the coronavirus. The site has included a wealth of information — such as details about when people left for work, whether they wore masks in the subway, the name of the stations where they changed trains, the massage parlors and karaoke bars they frequented and the names of the clinics where they were tested for the virus.

In South Korea’s highly wired society, however, internet mobs exploited patient data disclosed by the government site to identify people by name and hound them.

Internet mobs used patient data disclosed by the South Korean government to identify people by name and hound them.Credit...Jean Chung for The New York Times

As other countries increase surveillance, South Korea had an unusual reaction. Concerned that privacy invasions might discourage citizens from getting tested for the virus, health officials announced this month that they would refine their data-sharing guidelines to minimize patient risk.

“We will balance the value of protecting individual human rights and privacy and the value of upholding public interest in preventing mass infections,” said Jung Eun-kyeong, the director of South Korea’s Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

That is a tricky balance that some United States officials may need to consider.

In New York this month, Mayor Bill de Blasio posted details on Twitter about a lawyer in Westchester County who was the second person in the state to test positive for the virus — including the name of the man’s seven-person law firm and the names of the schools attended by two of his children. A few hours later, The New York Post identified the lawyer by name and was soon referring to him as “patient zero” in the coronavirus outbreak in New Rochelle.

In a response posted on Facebook, Adina Lewis Garbuz, a lawyer who is the wife of the man, Lawrence Garbuz, pleaded with the public to focus instead on the personal efforts the family had made to isolate themselves and notify people who came into contact with them.

“We would have preferred this all remain private,” Ms. Garbuz wrote in the Facebook post, “but since it is no longer, I wanted to at least share some truths and allay people’s fears.”

Case Study : "Global Warming"
Case study 1.1: Global Warming Part I: What to do about global warming Yet hot-headed attempts to link specific weather A UN treaty now under discussion looks promising - disasters to the greenhouse effect are scientific bunk. as long as it remains flexible The correct approach is coolly to assess the science of How should reasonable people react to the hype and climate modelling is still in its infancy, and for most of climate change before taking action. Unfortunately, controversy over global warming? Judging by recent the past decade it has raised as many questions as it headlines, you might think we are already doomed. has answered. Now, however, the picture is getting Newspapers have been quick to link extreme clearer. There will never be consensus, but the weather events, ranging from floods in Britain and balance of the evidence suggests that global warming Mozambique to hurricanes in Central America, directly to global warming. Greens say that worse will is indeed happening that much of it has recently been man-made; and that there is a risk of potentially ensue if governments do not act. Many politicians disastrous consequences. Even the normally stolid have duly jumped on the bandwagon, citing recent disasters as a reason for speeding up action on the insurance industry is getting excited. Insurers reckon that weather disasters have cost roughly $400 billion Kyoto treaty on climate change that commits rich countries to cut emissions of greenhouse gases. This over the past decade and that the damage is likely week saw the start of a summit in The Hague to only to increase. The time has come to accept that global warming is a credible enough threat to require discuss all this. a public-policy response.
But what exactly? At first blush, the Kyoto treaty expertise. The result is all too likely to be bad policy, at seems to offer a good way forward. It is a global potentially heavy cost to the world economy. treaty: it would be foolish to deal with this most In our Economics focus of February 15th this year, global of problems in any other way. It sets a long we drew attention to and posted on our website) term framework that requires frequent updating and telling criticisms of the IPCC's work made by two revision, rather like the post-war process of trade independent commentators, lan Castles, a former liberalisation. That is sensible because climate head of Australia's Bureau of Statistics, and David change will be at least a 100-year problem, and so Henderson, formerly the chief economist of the will require a treaty with institutions and mechanisms Organisation for Economic Co-operation and that endure. The big question over Kyoto remains its Development (OECD) and now visiting professor at cost. How much insurance is worth buying now Westminster Business School. Their criticisms of the against an uncertain, but possibly devastating, future IPCC were wide-ranging, but focused on the panel's threat? And the answer lies in a clear-headed forecasts of greenhouse gas emissions. The method assessment of benefits and costs. The case for doing employed, the critics argued, had given an upward something has increased during the three years since bias to the projections. Kyoto was signed. Yet it also remains true that all The IPCC's procedure relied, first, on measuring answers will be easier if economic growth is gaps between incomes in poor countries and meanwhile sustained: stopping the world while the incomes in rich countries, and, second, on supposing problem is dealt with is not a sensible option, given that those gaps would be substantially narrowed, or that resources to deal with it would then become entirely closed, by the end of this century. Contrary to steadily scarcer. standard practice, the IPCC measured the initial gaps That points to two general conclusions about how using market-based exchange rates rather than rates to implement Kyoto. The simplest is that countries adjusted for differences in purchasing power. This should search out "no regrets" measures that are error makes the initial income gaps seem far larger beneficial in their own right as well as reducing than they really are, so the subsequent catching-up is emissions - such as scrapping coal subsidies, correspondingly faster. The developing country liberalising energy markets and cutting farm support. growth rates yielded by this method are historically The second is that implementation should use implausible, to put it mildly. The emissions forecasts market-friendly measures that minimise the costs based on those implausibly high growth rates are
The second is that implementation should use implausible, to put it mildly. The emissions forecasts market-friendly measures that minimise the costs based on those implausibly high growth rates are and risks of slowing economic growth. accordingly unsound. The Castles-Henderson critique was subsequently Part II: Hot potato revisited published in the journal Energy and Environment A lack-of-progress report on the Intergovernmental (volume 14, number 2-3). A response by 15 authors Panel on Climate Change associated with the IPCC purporting to defend the You might think that a policy issue which puts at stake panel's projections was published in the same issue. hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of global output "deplorable misinformation and neglecting what the It accused the two critics of bias, bad faith, peddling would arouse at least the casual interest of the world's economics and finance ministries. You would the case Mr Castles and Mr Henderson had laid out- 15 regard as proper procedure. Alas, it fails to answer be wrong. Global warming and the actions namely, that the IPCC's low-case scenarios are contemplated to mitigate it could well involve costs patently not low-case scenarios, and that the panel of that order. Assessing the possible scale of future greenhouse-gas emissions, and hence of man-made of possibilities. If anything, as the two critics argue in has therefore failed to give a true account of the range global warming, involves economic forecasts and economic calculations. Those forecasts and an article in the subsequent issue of Energy and calculations will in turn provide the basis for policy on Environment, the reply of the 15 authors gives new the issue. Yet governments have been content to grounds for concern. This week the IPCC is preparing to embark on its next global warming "assessment leave these questions to a body - the review" - and if the tone of its reply to the critics is any Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change guide, it is intent on business as usual. (IPCC) - which appears to lack the necessary
It is true, as the IPCC says in its defence, that the panel presents a range of scenarios. But, as we pointed out before, even the scenarios that give the lowest cumulative emissions assume that incomes in the developing countries will increase at a much faster rate over the course of the century than they have ever done before. Disaggregated projections published by the IPCC say that even in the lowest- emission scenarios - growth in poor countries will be so fast that by the end of the century Americans will be poorer on average than South Africans, Algerians, Argentines, Libyans, Turks and North Koreans. Mr Castles and Mr Henderson can hardly be alone in finding that odd. of submissions. When the peers in question are drawn from a restricted professional domain - whereas the issues under consideration make demands upon a wide range of professional skills - peer review is not a way to assure the highest standards of work by exposing research to scepticism. It is just the opposite: a kind of intellectual restrictive practice, which allows flawed or downright shoddy work to acquire a standing it does not deserve. Part of the remedy proposed by Mr Castles and Mr Henderson in their new article is to get officials from finance and economics ministries into the long-range emissions-forecasting business. The Australian Treasury is now starting to take an active interest in IPCC-related issues, and a letter to the British Treasury drawing attention to Castles-Henderson (evidently it failed to notice unassisted) has just received a positive, if long delayed, response. More must be done, and soon. Work on a question of this sort would sit well with Mr Henderson's former employer, the OECD. The organisation's economic policy committee - a panel of top economic officials from national ministries - will next week install Gregory Mankiw, head of America's Council of Economic Advisers, as its new chairman. If Mr Mankiw is asking himself what new work that body ought to take on under his leadership, he need look no further than the dangerous economic incompetence of the IPCC. TUNNEL VISION The fact that the IPCC mobilised as many as 15 authors to supply its response is interesting. The panel's watchword is strength in numbers (lacking though it may be in strength at numbers). The exercise criticised by Mr Castles and Mr Henderson involved 53 authors, plus 89 expert reviewers and many others besides. Can so many experts get it wrong? The experts themselves may doubt it, but the answer is yes. The problem is that this horde of authorities is drawn from a narrow professional milieu. Economic and statistical expertise is not among their strengths. Making matters worse, the panel's approach lays great emphasis on peer review
• This case study illustrates the variety of issues with which managerial economics is concerned. The following questions arise:

Q1. Is there a problem to be addressed?

Q2. Is there a solution or solutions to the problem, in terms of strategies or course of action that can be taken?

Q3. What objective or objectives can be defined for these strategies?

Q4. What constraints exist in terms of operating any strategies?

Q5. How can we identify strategies as solutions to the problem?

Q6. How can we evaluate these strategies in terms of costs and benefits, particularly when these involve life and health?

Q7. What is the best way of measuring the relevant variables?

Q8. What assumptions should be made in our analysis?
Q9. How do we deal with the problem of risk and uncertainty regarding the future and the effects of strategies in the future?

Q10. How can we approach the problems of conflicts of interest between different countries and between different consumers and producers?

Q11. What criteria can we use for selecting strategies from among different possible course of action?

Q12. How do political biases and agendas affect decision-making processes in practice?

CASE NO. 4

In 2015 China had 750 million urban commuters, making it the largest commuter market in the world, roughly five times the size of the 150 million U.S. commuter market. However, Chinese car ownership was comparatively low, with only 69 car owners for every 1,000 people living in mainland China versus 786 car owners for every 1,000 people in the United States in 2014. China also had a short supply of taxis. For example, Beijing had 60,000 taxis to cover a population of 11.5 million in 2015. Taxi drivers suffered poor pay, earning even less during rush hour when heavy congestion left them idling in traffic instead of completing fares. As a result, taxi drivers sometimes refused passengers traveling only short distances and elected to take their breaks during times of peak demand (e.g., rush hour). Many urban commuters had no choice but to rely on buses, trains, and bicycles for transportation despite dissatisfaction with the reliability, comfort, and personal space these modes offered.

These factors made China an attractive market for new companies offering ride-sharing and online chauffeuring services. However, ambiguity existed around the legal status of these upstart options. The Chinese government accused companies offering ride-sharing apps of providing illegal taxi services, created checkpoints to fine drivers without commercial taxi licenses, and even conducted raids of ride-share company offices, shutting them down in some cities. Nevertheless, the government also partnered with some local ride app companies to build an integrated online taxi-hailing service for the four major taxi companies in China.

Uber China

Uber entered China in 2013 with a pilot program in Shanghai, the country’s largest city. The ride-hailing app featured the UberBlack brand, the high-end service that delivered luxury sedans for each trip. Consistent with Uber’s process in other global markets, the app assigned drivers to requested rides using its GPS algorithms to find the closest driver. Uber also partnered with Baidu, China’s largest search engine, for maps and GPS and with Alipay, China’s largest mobile payment platform. Baidu’s partnership with Uber represented one of its competitive fronts in its effort to keep pace with the other two leading Chinese internet companies, Alibaba (Alipay’s parent company) and Tencent.

Chinese consumers did not initially warm to UberBlack, complaining about the high price of the service. Instead of contracting with private car owners, as Uber did in the United States, Uber China partnered with local car rental and chauffeur companies in an attempt to sidestep regulatory issues, so the UberBlack rate far exceeded a typical taxi fare for similar distances. As a result, when Uber expanded to Beijing and Shenzen, it did so with UberX, its lower-cost service that relied on mid-size sedans. By June 2015, Uber competed in 11 of the 15 most populous cities on the Chinese mainland, and Uber China represented the largest market for Uber outside of the United States. Uber China logged more than 1 million rides per day in 2015.

To address the needs of price-sensitive consumers, Uber China dramatically reduced its prices on UberX and introduced “People’s Uber” in October 2014. People’s Uber, a sub-brand unique to China, was officially defined as a non-profit ride-sharing program; Uber connected

passengers with drivers but did not receive a portion of the driver’s earnings. (In contrast, Uber kept 20% of the total fee per ride in the United States.) This structure allowed the service to operate legally when the government cracked down on for-profit ride-sharing services. People’s Uber also helped introduce the Uber brand to the masses, with the hope that a portion of passengers would trade up to its for-profit services, UberX and UberBlack. People’s Uber based its fares on the cost of owning and operating a car, which often fell below taxi fares for comparable trips. Drivers also benefited from the People’s Uber fare structure, as they were able to keep the total fare when driving for Uber but had to pay licensing fees when driving a taxi.

In its for-profit offerings, Uber China faced intense competition from local players Didi Chuxing and Yidao, which together controlled more than 89% of the ride-hailing market in 2015. To compete, Uber spent more than $2 billion subsidizing rides for both drivers and passengers. For example, one promotion paid first-time Uber users 30 yuan. Current users of Uber could receive a 10 yuan coupon up to three times a day, and drivers received a 10 yuan reward for completed rides up to five times a day. Although this program obviously attracted both passengers and drivers, it also led to abuse. Passengers and drivers set up fake accounts to skirt the limits on the promotion incentives they could earn. It also initiated a brutal price war with competitors.

In addition to battling for customers and drivers by using price as a weapon, Uber China diversified its services by adding green (hybrid) car services and limousine rentals. As of October 2015, Uber China had built a business valued at more than $8 billion.

Competitors

Didi Chuxing

In 2012, a year before Uber entered China, Didi Dache (“dache” roughly translates to “taxi calling” in Mandarin) was founded as a taxi-hailing app. It built a substantial customer base by establishing relationships with the largest taxi companies in China before branching out to offer ride shares. The company quickly became the leader in the ride-hailing market with 78.3% share by offering aggressive subsidies to both riders and drivers and by acquiring key

rivals.⁴ Specifically, in February 2015, Didi completed a $6 billion partnership with its domestic rival Kuaidi Dache to form Didi Chuxing.

Didi Chuxing’s vision was to be the one-stop travel platform for Chinese consumers, offering an array of sub-branded services named for their specific functions: Didi Taxi (taxi hailing), Didi Fast Ride (sedan ride-share equivalent to UberX), Didi Chauffeur (premium car ride-share equivalent to UberBlack), Didi Carpool, Didi Sub Driver (drivers for one’s own car when one is incapable of driving, such as after drinking), and Didi Bus (online bus booking). To achieve this goal it built partnerships with the three largest technology companies in China. As with Uber, Baidu provided maps for Didi’s app, and Alipay processed the company’s payments. The third key partner was Tencent, China’s largest internet company, which also owned the largest social media platform and the number one messaging service in China (WeChat). Didi users could hail cars with the near-ubiquitous WeChat app and pay with WePay (also from within the app). Unlike Uber’s app, which assigned drivers to passengers’ requests, Didi’s

app relied on drivers to respond to passenger requests. Drivers had the freedom to choose which ride requests to accept and which to refuse. To entice drivers into accepting shorter, less lucrative trips, consumers could add a tip as part of the request. As of 2016, Didi Chuxing logged more than 10 million trips per day and boasted a value of $36 billion.⁵

Yidao

A second Chinese company, Yidao, focused exclusively on its customized chauffeuring service and avoided competing on the basis of price. Yidao partnered with the largest car rental companies in China with the goal of building a platform for rental companies to interface with passengers. Unlike Didi Chuxing’s and Uber’s services, Yidao passengers submitted a request on the app, which then returned a list of drivers who had accepted the order. Passengers then chose a driver based on the detailed information about the driver that the app provided. As of October 2015, Yidao covered 101 cities (24 outside of China), completed more than 40,000 daily chauffeur-driven rides, and had over 4 million active users, with a value of about $1 billion.⁶

The Sale

On August 1, 2016, after spending more than $2 billion (13 billion Chinese yuan) of the $11 billion it had raised globally, Uber sold its Chinese operation to Didi Chuxing. Two years earlier, Travis Kalanick, Uber’s CEO, had sought to invest in Didi, but Cheng Weng, the Beijing-based CEO, spurned the offer. Weng predicted even then that Didi could outmaneuver Uber in China and even unseat it as the leading ride-share company in the world.

The sale involved a share-swap deal whereby Uber and outside investors in Uber China received 20% of the merged company. Through Didi’s ownership stake, the deal also gave Uber an ownership stake in Lyft, its largest U.S. competitor, and Grab Taxi, Uber’s largest rival in Singapore. Didi committed to operating Uber China as a standalone app under the Uber brand in China.

Looking back on Uber’s venture into China few key questions remain. Could Uber have been a successful standalone company if it had adopted a different globalization strategy?

Questions to Answer

1. What made the Chinese market attractive to Uber? Why did Uber believe it could succeed

in China?                                                                                                                

2. What makes Uber truly ‘global’ in its outlook? Do you think technology, and cultural

and political changes affected the orientation of Uber?                             

3. If you look back to the Uber China, what are the possible reasons that you would identify

that shattered the dream of Uber in the Chinese market.           

1. What “cost of quality” criteria (i.e., prevention, appraisal, internal failure, and external failure costs) might be included in an analysis at the following stages of a global diamond supply chain---mining, cutting and polishing centers, and retail jewelry store? Explain. Provide examples.

   The Global Value Chain for Diamonds

   A simple way to view the major stages of the diamond value chain is exploration, mining, rough diamonds, polished diamonds, and customer jewelry. It is normally 18 to 36 months from the time a diamond is mined until it reaches a retail store. Rare or large stones often reduce this processing time by one-half. The supply chain is global since no one country or company performs all the work required to bring a diamond to its final resting place – customer jewelry. About one-half of rough diamonds are used in industrial applications such as oil and gas drilling equipment and metal cutting tools. The major stages of the global value chain for diamonds can be defined in numerous ways but usually consists of the following stages.

   Exploration

   A diamond is a unique pyramidal structure of carbon atoms. Billions of years ago heat and pressure deep inside the earth created natural diamonds. The ancient Greek word for diamond means “unbreakable.” Historically, much of the diamond industry involves African countries and sometimes the exploitation of native people. Russia and Africa account for 70 percent of the world’s diamond reserves.

   Major corporations that focus on diamond mining, production, and sales include DeBeers, with about 37% market share. DeBeers is a Kimberley, South Africa based corporation with mines and facilities in South Africa, Tanzania, Botswana, and Namibia.   ALROSA is a Russian state-owned corporation with about 30% market share, and with mines and facilities in Russia and Angola. Rio Tinto is an Australian corporation that mines diamonds, iron, copper, uranium, aluminum, gold, and coal, with about a 5% global market share in diamonds. Its mines and facilities are in Australia, Zimbabwe, Africa, and Canada. Other firms such as Aber, BHP Billiton, and Leviev compete in the diamond industry.

   Mining

   The two major ways to mine rough diamonds are an open-pit method, where rock and soil at the surface are excavated; and underground mining. First-level sorting is done at this stage, to separate gem-quality stones from obvious industrial grade stones.

   The controversies begin at this stage of the diamond value chain. The 2006 movie Blood Diamond, for example, starring Leonardo DiCaprio, Jennifer Connelly, and Djimon Hounsou, highlighted militant groups and corrupt governments trying to get their share of “blood diamond” revenues to fund revolutions and wars. Conflict-free diamonds are supposed to be free of other injustices such as child labor, smuggling, worker exploitation, and sexual violence. And, of course, ethical supply chains try to prevent all of the previous cited issues, plus worker accidents, environmental pollution, deceitful grading of diamonds, deforestation, poverty, low wages, and so on.

   Sorting and Grading

   The basic criteria for grading diamonds include size (carats), color, shape, and quality. At this stage second-level sorting and grading begins at separate locations from the mines. About 20-25 percent of rough diamonds are used in the retail value chain while the rest are used for industrial proposes. Human eyes, hands, and expertise assess the quality and value of most diamonds. Advanced machines do some of the sorting and grading process for smaller stones. But sorting and grading diamonds is not an exact science even with current industry regulations and quality standards.

   Cutting and Polishing Centers

   The Four C’s – Cut, Color, Clarity, and Carat weight – are used to further classify diamonds at a production facility, located in cities like Dubai, New York, Johannesburg, Hong Kong, London, Tel Aviv, Antwerp, and Mumbai.

   Normally, by the end of this stage one-half to two-thirds of the rough diamond is waste. For example, a ten-carat rough diamond might result in a three- to five-carat diamond that can be set in customer jewelry. Much of the waste is used in industrial diamond applications or by the cutters themselves for cutting and polishing.

   During the Great Recession smaller diamond cutters and polishers went out of business while larger firms gained market share. Cutting and polishing costs-per-carat range from about $100 in Antwerp, New York, and Tel Aviv; to $10 to $50 in India, China, and Thailand. Diamond defects and errors can take many forms in this industry: impurities, optical flaws, mixed colors, crystal flaws, cutting mistakes, and non-ethical diamonds. The cutter must decide how best to cut the rough diamond to remove defects, keep the most carat weight possible, and make the diamond as perfect as possible.

   The quality of a rough diamond can be enhanced or hindered by the way the rough diamond is cut and polished. High-quality rough diamonds of over 20 carats almost always go to the world’s best cutters and polishers.

   Trading Centers

   A current industry trend is the consolidation of cutting and polishing with trading centers into a “diamond hub” in cities like New York, Tel Aviv, Antwerp, Dubai, and Mumbai. Major producers like DeBeers sell most of their diamonds based on long-term contracts to a select group of buyers and sellers. Long-term contracts provide price and demand stability, predictable buyers and sellers, and large sales volumes. Trading centers and producers are sometimes accused of forming price-controlled cartels by holding back diamond stocks (reserves) to maintain retail prices. Another way to limit supply in the global diamond market is for major producers to sell diamonds only to their “site holders.” A site holder can be a company or individual who can only buy direct from major producers. If all reserves of diamonds were released, supply would greatly exceed demand, and diamond prices would plummet.

   However, new sales channels are emerging that take advantage of Internet capabilities such as on line auctions and virtual sales platforms. Sales take many forms such as face-to-face negotiations, take-it-or-leave it on line offers at fixed prices, live on line auctions with multiple bidding rounds, and time limited on line auctions. In addition, physical diamond auctions take place at Sotheby’s and Christie’s.

   Jewelry Manufacturing

   Manufacturing transforms cut, polished, and graded diamonds into customer jewelry. Often a custom setting for the stones includes pouring hot metal into a ring or jewelry mold; and/or metal machine fabrication, milling, and polishing. Standard diamond ring production exhibits both job and flow shop characteristics while custom jewelry is a job shop. Diamond defects can be hidden by the clever design of customer jewelry. Here the jewelry artist or customer designs how the finished diamond will be displayed

   . Over $50 billion in value is added at the jewelry manufacturing and retail store stages.

   Retailing

   In the diamond value chain, Tiffany & Company and Cartier are two examples of luxury goods retailers that enjoy high margins. The price per carat (value) of a typical diamond usually increases eight to ten times from mining to retail store as each stage of the value chain adds its profit margin. After the original sale, most diamonds don’t wear out so they are resold (recycled) many times within the value chain. The “diamond is forever” slogan also applies to generating repeat sale profits.  

   To further complicate customer- and trading-center buying decisions, diamond buyers must cope with whether the diamond is synthetic. In one audit by the International Gemological Institute with a sample of 1,000 stones over one-half were found to be synthetic diamonds. Moreover, the synthetic diamonds had human-engineered flaws to make them appear as natural stones. Only expert gemologists with special equipment can tell the difference between a natural and synthetic stone.

   From the viewpoint of natural diamond producers, synthetic diamond pollution is an ever-increasing industry problem. A four-carat synthetic diamond might sell for a few hundred dollars. In addition, synthetic diamond producers argue their diamonds are brighter and clearer than natural stones, and the only true ethical diamonds.

   The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS)

   A multitude of industry-related associations, governments, and corporations have adopted quality and sustainability standards, trade regulations and laws, and certification programs to ensure no conflict or blood diamonds enter their value chain. But diamond traceability along the value chain is very poor. Few diamond producers or retailers actually investigate the route their diamonds take along the supply chain. Diamond smugglers and corrupt governments often certify diamonds without complete investigations while worker exploitation and environmental pollution continues.

   In 2003 in Kimberly, South Africa the KPCS was designed to certify rough diamond shipments as “conflict-free” and prevent conflict diamonds from entering the value chain. This initiative has been somewhat successful but fake KPCS certification documents have been found throughout the value chain. A recent initiative is to etch a serial number on each non-conflict diamond with a laser that is not visible to the human eye. The KPCS process is criticized for focusing on front-room customer perceptions, not back-room supply chain practices.

Item 1

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 2

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 3

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 4

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 5

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 6

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 7

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 8

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 9

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism

Hints

Item 10

In the case below, the original source material is given along with a sample of student work. Determine the type of plagiarism by clicking the appropriate radio button.

Which of the following is true for the Student Version above?

Word-for-Word plagiarism

Paraphrasing plagiarism

This is not plagiarism