Questions
Go through these two studies and write a three to five page analysis of the two...

Go through these two studies and write a three to five page analysis of the two healthcare facilities you have conducted the research.

In this concluding section of the paper, explain how the situations may be similar or how they are different. Things you want to compare can include but not limited to reimbursement, quality and availability of care, government regulations and how changes in healthcare system such as the Affordable Care Act (ACA) will impact healthcare management in the near future.

CASE STUDY #1: WESTCHESTER MEDICAL CENTER

INTERVIEW W/: Nurse manager from the ICU’s units

How does financing and reimbursement affect delivery of care?

There is a huge impact of the financing and reimbursement on the quality of the care delivered to the patients having some kind of insurance or the health policy. The financial and reimbursement status is taken as the regulator of the type of the care delivered to the patients in the healthcare system. Financial and reimbursement policies greatly affect the quality of the delivery of the care.

How does reimbursement differ in the delivery of outpatient vs inpatient care?

Yes, reimbursement differs in the delivery of the outpatient vs inpatient care. In case of the outpatient department the patient takes the prescription provided by the physician and has the medicine from the reliable source hence have minimum impact of the reimbursement policies on the other hand in case of in-patient care the patient is admitted in the hospital. He/she may be advised for the plenty of the diagnostic pathological tests, there is included the bed charges and other ambulatory services. Hence in case of the inpatient care there is huge impact of the reimbursement.

How do Managed Care and Integrated Systems impact the cost, access, and quality of health care delivery?

The managed care and integrated systems highly impact the cost access and quality of the healthcare delivery by utilizing the systematic plans regarding the delivery of the healthcare using the special provisions regarding the individual patient.

These evidence based practices are highly effective in reducing cost of care, along with maintaining the proper access of the care with the high quality concerns.

How has Legislative Health Policy impacted the delivery of care?

The legislative Health Policy had a great impact on the delivery of care as it governs the healthcare and insurance policies. There are various health policy reforms which have a direct impact on the quality of the care. These regulations are ensuring the good healthcare delivery to the population. Hence there is need to reform these healthcare policies time to time.

What is the future of health services delivery?

As per the future concerns of the health care service delivery, there is need to have a concern of the cost effectiveness and inclusion of novel health care technologies in the healthcare organizations. On the basis of these systematic concerns we can assure an effective health care delivery for the welfare of the mankind.

CASE STUDY #2: MONTEFIORE HOSPITAL

INTERVIEW W/: CEO Montefiore

How does financing and reimbursement affect delivery of care?

Health insurance affect health care delivery in the US that it makes providers less aware of the actual cost of health care it creates provider induced demand, this financing greatly influences how much health care is delivered.

How does reimbursement differ in the delivery of outpatient vs inpatient care?

Reimbursement varies most significantly by insurance company, more insurance companies do reimburse inpatient and outpatient serves very differently, but some smaller insurance companies may reimburse according to simple criteria, Medicare inpatient prospective payment system reimburses a weighted fee schedule of rates by diagnosis related group based upon the average cost of cost across the mations providers for that particular set of health issues, and Medicare outpatient reimbursement fits into one of two scenarios that is clinic( a freestanding primary ) and hospital( procedures performed wither at the hospital or at a clinic located within 35 miles of the hospital that own and operate the clinic) there reimbursed accordingly to the ambulatory payment classification.

How do Managed Care and Integrated Systems impact the cost, access, and quality of health care delivery?

Managed care and integrated systems has positive impact on the cost and access and quality of health care delivery.

My opinion:

How has Legislative Health Policy impacted the delivery of care?

Legislative health policy impacted the delivery of care: the health care delivery system continue to evolve by the market forces, and as do legal and regulatory changes resulting from health reform legislation.

What is the future of health services delivery?

The future of health service delivery: insurances drop individual plans because they do not comply with some of the mandates and employers cope by reducing worker hours and negotiating new health plans and the US healthcare system will continue to evolve but no one knows the destiny. The human services framework can barely be known as a framework. Or maybe it is a confounding cluster of exceedingly decentralized areas. Span of doctor bunches is growing, 37.12 percent of rehearsing doctors are still in solo or two man hones. The wellbeing design segment is getting some distance from structures that can encourage combination and coordination, with the piece of the overall industry of wellbeing upkeep associations falling and favored supplier associations. Furthermore, healing center division has been merging in numerous business sectors of the 5,000 network doctor's facilities, in excess of 3,500 have a place with some system or framework a large portion of these courses of action are centered on managerial instead of clinical joining.

In: Nursing

Write a one page summarize the theories of lyrics Despite the proliferation of theory in literary...

Write a one page summarize the theories of lyrics


Despite the proliferation of theory in literary studies since the 1960s, little attention has been paid to the theory of lyric. We could even say that since the 1930s theoretical discourses that focus on poetry have had

in view something other than the lyric. Julia Kristeva’s account in La Révo- lution du langage poétique (Revolution in Poetic Language) treats literary production and indeed linguistic production in general as a dialectic of le semiotique and le symbolique, two modalities of discourse which are in- separable in the process of “signifiance,” but her analysis gives as much weight to the prose of Lautréamont as to the poetry of Mallarmé and does not lead to a theory of the lyric. Heidegger offers an eloquent philoso- phical account of poetry, focused especially on lyric examples—primarily the poetry of Hölderlin—but while taking poetry as the privileged site for the unconcealment or presencing of Being and the happening of Truth, Heidegger is disdainful of poetics, of attention to prosody, image, and other features of the language of poems, and indeed distinguishes Dich- tung, true poetry attuned to Being, from Poesie, which one might translate as “poetizing.” Heidegger’s lack of interest in genre or in features of genre and his conception of poetry as a condition of ontology make his thought an unpromising starting point for a theory of the lyric.1 We do better to turn to Hegel, whose detailed account of the lyric can prove very useful.



1.Hegel

Hegel provides an explicit theory of the lyric in the context of his Aesthetics, a systematic account of the arts that is internally coherent and follows a developmental logic. Although his theory is of interest in itself, it com- pels attention above all as the fullest expression of the romantic theory of the lyric—articulated also in various forms and less systematically by others—which has exercised vast influence, even among those who have never read a word of Hegel. For him, as for others, lyric is the subjective genre of poetry, as opposed to epic, which is objective, and drama, which is mixed. In the lyric the “content is not the object but the subject, the inner world, the mind that considers and feels, that instead of proceeding to action, remains alone with itself as inwardness and that therefore can take as its sole form and final aim the self-expression of subjective life” (1038).2 Poetry is an expressive form, and even what is most substantive is communicated as “the passion, mood or reflection” of the individual. Its distinguishing feature is the centrality of subjectivity coming to con- sciousness of itself through experience and reflection (974, 1113).



2. Imitation Speech Acts or Epideixis?


The major alternative to the romantic theory of the lyric has been an ad- aptation of it that subordinates expression, especially self-expression, to mimesis. I noted in Chapter 2 that it was a more robust conception of the individual subject (political, economic, affective) that enabled theo- rists in the eighteenth century, such as Abbé Batteux, to install lyric as a major genre in a neo-Aristotelian framework by treating it as an imita- tion: an imitation of the experience of the subject. Once lyric was estab- lished as the subjective form, romantic theorists, such as Sir William Jones and then Hegel, could jettison mimesis for expression: the lyric is funda- mentally expressive of the experience of the poet. Modern criticism, increasingly cognizant of the problems of treating lyric as the direct and sincere expression of the experience and affect of the poet, has moved to- ward something of a compromise position, treating lyric as expression of a persona rather than of the poet and thus as mimesis of the thought or speech of such a persona created by the poet. If the speaker is a persona, then interpretation of the poem becomes a matter of reconstructing the characteristics of this persona, especially the motives and circumstances of this act of speech—as if the speaker were a character in a novel.

This is the conception of lyric promoted by the New Criticism: with the insistence that interpretation focus on the words on the page rather than the intentions of the author, it became a point of doctrine that the speaker of a lyric is to be treated as a persona, not as the poet him- or her- self, and the focus becomes the drama of attitudes expressed by this speaker-character. W. K. Wimsatt and Cleanth Brooks write, “Once we have dissociated the speaker of the lyric from the personality of the poet, even the tiniest lyric reveals itself as drama.” In the Anglo-American world, this principle has become the foundation of pedagogy of the lyric.



3.Performative and Performance

J. L. Austin distinguished performative utterances, which accomplish the action to which they refer, from constative utterances, which make true or false statements. “I promise to pay you tomorrow” does not report on an act of promising but is itself the act. Many performatives have an ex- plicitly ritualistic character: “I hereby call this meeting to order.” “I now pronounce you man and wife.”30 Poems clearly do contain some true per- formatives: from Horace’s “We sing of of drinking parties, of battles fought / by fierce virgins with nails cut sharp to wound young men” and Herrick’s “I sing of brooks, and blossoms, birds and bowers . . . ,” to Baudelaire’s “Andromaque, je pense à vous” (“Andromaque, I think of you”), which perform the acts to which they refer. But the appeal of the notion of the performative for literary critics goes far beyond that of such explicit formulae. Austin introduces the notion as a critique of the ten- dency of his colleagues, analytical philosophers, to assume that the busi- ness of language is to describe a state of affairs or to state a fact, and that other sorts of utterances should be regarded as emotive, or pseudo- statements. It is natural to go on to ask, Austin writes, whether many ap- parently pseudo-statements really set out to be statements at all, and he proposes the distinction between constative utterances, which make a statement and are true or false, and another class of utterances which are


In: Psychology

Revenue Recognition - Percentage of Completion - Project Instructions, Spring 2018 One of your clients is...

Revenue Recognition - Percentage of Completion - Project Instructions, Spring 2018

One of your clients is a large regional construction company. The company has many long-term projects in the works. The spreadsheet you are given contains some information about these jobs. Some of the jobs began last year and continue into the current year, so they exist on both tabs. The projects are in various phases of construction; some of which were completed during the current year.

You've been asked by your firm to analyze the data and prepare the following:

1) Complete the revenue recognition process by adding the necessary calculations into the blank columns F-J and L-M on the Current Year and Prior Year tabs and populate the data for all rows. It is expected that you look back at the text for definitions and to remind yourself of the percentage of completion method prior to asking questions.

Current year:

Job Description Final Est Contract Amount Costs To Date Total Est Cost @ Completion Est to Complete Est GP @ Completion Cur % Comp GP TO DATE Earned Rev To Date Billings To Date Costs and profit in Excess of Billings Billings in Excess of Costs and Profits Phase Revenue to Book
1959 MISC 7,465,878 7,247,171 7,247,523 7,465,878
1960 MISC 7,959,254 7,666,799 7,706,890 7,959,254
1968 MISC 46,201,877 44,283,436 45,810,921 44,435,743
1029 MISC 6,770,156 7,187,389 7,169,543 6,693,717
1972 MISC 13,157,854 9,938,521 12,926,801 10,169,759
1974 MISC 16,811,634 16,636,718 16,614,718 16,811,634
1978 MISC 3,240,516 3,180,526 3,180,526 3,290,995
1980 MISC 7,098,168 6,696,897 6,825,642 6,989,363
1981 MISC 22,464,145 22,067,900 22,067,900 22,462,520
1982 MISC 26,910,817 26,266,450 26,384,521 26,910,817
1987 MISC 21,527,597 20,758,005 20,758,244 21,527,597
1037 MISC 67,479 65,707 62,708 67,480
1038 MISC 966,844 949,107 938,107 966,845
1040 MISC 166,942 143,084 143,084 166,942
1041 MISC 700,689 598,903 598,804 700,689
1042 MISC 346,721 251,917 292,629 346,721
1043 MISC 1,079,159 1,079,159 1,079,159 1,079,190
1044 MISC 510,939 393,910 411,390 503,188
1991 MISC 21,145,050 21,511,616 21,511,616 21,045,050
1992 MISC 3,564,527 3,519,267 3,519,270 3,572,179
1994 MISC 7,789,575 7,516,192 7,552,450 7,789,575
1995 MISC 13,320,841 12,531,906 12,784,219 13,006,125
1996 MISC 13,535,310 12,331,088 13,178,122 13,029,481
1997 MISC 2,729,944 2,657,501 2,661,842 2,729,944
1998 MISC 7,341,782 5,274,107 7,161,359 5,440,960
1999 MISC 13,327,661 12,510,677 13,078,905 12,745,737
2000 MISC 3,479,901 3,391,393 3,392,850 3,479,901
2001 MISC 8,880,861 4,967,713 8,671,818 4,897,156
2002 MISC 5,407,348 5,097,975 5,232,080 5,278,519
2003 MISC 6,057,682 4,689,023 5,835,790 5,088,472
2004 MISC 3,388,921 3,327,035 3,371,364 3,388,921
2005.01 MISC 1,541,229 651,078 1,488,653 677,958
2005.02 MISC 1,382,138 494,118 1,382,138 494,118
2005.03 MISC 109,951 109,951 109,951 109,727
2006 MISC 6,243,535 4,063,446 6,138,535 4,160,662
2007 MISC 12,234,190 9,906,338 11,918,995 10,139,456
1045 MISC 1,273,869 473,014 1,178,757 558,982
1047 MISC 2,000,000 1,532,818 1,934,051 1,498,479
1048 MISC 289,132 280,188 277,088 289,132
1050 MISC 337,399 330,095 337,399 287,285
1051 MISC 103,714 91,533 93,701 95,000
1052 MISC 1,627,500 898,738 1,532,500 867,785
1053 MISC 587,936 119,971 534,936 59,133
1054 MISC 272,187 93,423 232,095 139,406
1055 MISC 1,368 1,189 1,189 -  
1056 MISC 6,500 3,241 5,800 6,500
1057 MISC 160,254 3,979 151,254 53,418
2008 MISC 12,027,982 11,540,290 11,792,749 11,624,921
2010 MISC 3,564,023 3,442,746 3,482,704 3,510,318
2011 MISC 3,571,024 3,172,365 3,471,558 3,263,051
2012 MISC 8,863,236 3,382,784 8,483,236 3,484,037
2013 MISC 17,562,203 3,043,921 17,237,203 3,175,529
2014 MISC 3,469,196 1,713,032 3,379,313 2,240,054
2015 MISC 6,270,919 1,759,495 6,111,394 2,468,135
2017 MISC 906,972 870,069 870,070 907,612
2018 MISC 16,981,831 20,841 16,646,831 123,250
2019 MISC 12,514,813 734,163 12,188,248 825,637
2020 MISC 12,215,549 35,797 11,860,853 -  
2021 MISC 5,475,364 82,553 5,575,364 226,051
2022 MISC 14,031,862 90,859 13,669,617 -  
2023 MISC -   831 -   -  
2024 MISC -   -   -   -  
2025 MISC 5,399,500 -   5,243,500 -  
2026 MISC 1,030,000 8,317 1,000,000 -  
2027 MISC 5,700,000 -   5,586,000 -  
1941 MISC 11,700,949 11,306,077 11,306,077 11,700,949
1951 MISC 430,558 429,853 429,853 430,558
1958 MISC 5,113,424 5,012,706 5,012,706 5,113,424
1966 MISC 2,746,125 2,749,328 2,749,328 2,746,125
1027 MISC 297,482 290,349 290,349 297,482
1028 MISC 1,462,324 1,478,580 1,478,580 1,462,324
1030 MISC 819,108 709,272 709,272 819,108
1971 MISC 5,439,533 5,205,826 5,205,826 5,439,533
1973 MISC 6,997,612 7,190,985 7,190,985 6,997,612
1975 MISC 3,541,081 3,412,625 3,412,625 3,541,081
1977 MISC 2,111,870 2,060,093 2,060,093 2,111,870
1979 MISC 3,883,384 4,095,004 4,095,004 3,883,384
1983 MISC 8,416,157 8,228,116 8,228,116 8,416,157
1984 MISC 10,454,724 10,201,631 10,201,631 10,454,724
1986 MISC 7,120,629 6,862,156 6,862,156 7,120,629
1988 MISC 244,433 190,944 190,944 244,433
1989 MISC 6,573,752 6,410,702 6,410,702 6,573,752
1031 MISC 356,254 331,883 331,883 356,254
1032 MISC 1,262,853 1,261,237 1,261,237 1,262,853
1033 MISC 2,184,271 1,668,446 1,668,446 2,184,271
1034 MISC 276,190 276,190 276,190 276,190
1035 MISC 221,826 206,835 206,835 221,826
1036 MISC 112,637 112,629 112,629 112,637
1039 MISC 73,237 56,173 56,173 73,237
1990 MISC 4,753,810 4,682,621 4,682,621 4,753,810
1993 MISC 2,419,387 2,381,836 2,381,836 2,419,387
1046 MISC 167,393 156,353 156,353 167,393
1049 MISC 204,076 177,714 177,714 204,076
540,556,527 410,834,439 529,232,641 -   -   -   -   -   420,711,067 -   -  

Prior Yr:

Job Description Final Est Contract Amount Costs To Date Total Est Cost @ Completion Est to Complete Est GP @ Completion Cur % Comp GP TO DATE Earned Rev To Date Billings To Date Costs and profit in Excess of Billings Billings in Excess of Costs and Profits
1977 MISC 2,090,204 2,058,488 2,060,000 2,090,204
1966 MISC 2,740,196 2,747,956 2,750,000 2,740,196
1951 MISC 429,853 429,853 429,853 430,558
1988 MISC 238,471 190,944 190,944 236,471
1027 MISC 297,482 290,349 290,349 277,482
1028 MISC 1,459,971 1,468,711 1,468,711 1,449,843
1030 MISC 819,108 707,310 707,310 805,483
1979 MISC 3,883,384 4,094,330 4,095,000 3,883,384
1036 MISC 112,637 112,618 112,637 112,637
1973 MISC 6,997,612 7,189,463 7,190,800 6,997,612
1974 MISC 16,396,834 16,098,923 16,107,664 15,945,665
1958 MISC 5,113,424 5,008,868 5,012,893 5,111,033
1984 MISC 10,458,619 10,191,522 10,204,882 10,453,214
1975 MISC 3,541,081 3,410,943 3,415,946 3,544,656
1941 MISC 11,700,949 11,277,526 11,305,949 11,700,949
1971 MISC 5,439,533 5,205,826 5,223,433 5,439,533
1960 MISC 7,959,254 7,633,497 7,706,890 7,959,254
1983 MISC 8,363,611 8,084,939 8,164,134 8,286,417
1978 MISC 3,240,516 3,146,456 3,180,516 3,185,418
1993 MISC 2,419,988 2,357,037 2,384,988 2,419,387
1035 MISC 220,950 205,377 208,000 217,330
1034 MISC 278,849 274,429 278,849 253,479
1980 MISC 7,098,168 6,710,276 6,825,642 6,945,454
1990 MISC 4,711,151 4,598,024 4,678,950 4,626,775
1989 MISC 6,661,286 6,383,190 6,497,850 6,556,992
1986 MISC 7,162,422 6,712,121 6,920,598 6,884,933
1037 MISC 68,879 56,897 61,400 67,480
1031 MISC 378,974 330,684 360,200 356,254
1981 MISC 22,282,269 20,016,392 22,051,402 20,470,769
1992 MISC 3,461,496 2,945,587 3,404,937 2,955,664
1991 MISC 20,138,168 16,559,725 19,452,425 17,234,825
1033 MISC 2,104,258 1,417,904 1,710,084 1,754,574
1029 MISC 6,674,301 5,588,592 6,912,342 5,447,628
1994 MISC 6,194,488 4,644,358 6,008,863 4,857,414
1032 MISC 1,327,931 1,025,867 1,327,931 987,505
1959 MISC 7,510,509 5,122,011 7,291,759 5,241,333
1987 MISC 21,977,597 14,703,934 21,524,620 15,315,793
1997 MISC 2,601,318 1,489,455 2,543,216 1,709,841
1039 MISC 72,622 36,578 62,622 47,226
1972 MISC 9,300,000 4,670,647 9,097,073 5,175,762
1982 MISC 28,064,434 13,169,455 27,648,138 14,477,824
1968 MISC 44,263,879 16,221,792 43,722,923 16,494,611
1996 MISC 8,000,000 2,586,688 7,825,000 2,743,271
1041 MISC 701,835 54,041 633,948 112,435
1038 MISC 835,000 63,697 755,000 75,493
1040 MISC 166,121 11,069 143,721 35,000
2000 MISC 3,460,051 248,325 3,375,675 206,325
1999 MISC 11,950,980 547,127 11,651,589 586,828
1995 MISC 13,371,080 368,910 12,831,080 383,667
2002 MISC 3,500,000 66,826 3,411,000 62,565
2003 MISC 4,624,038 54,191 4,461,051 0
2001 MISC 8,437,049 30,923 8,235,633 289,215
1043 MISC 628,920 1,801 628,920 1,801
2006 MISC 6,000,000 1,739 5,820,000 0
2004 MISC 3,440,871 828 3,330,871 0
1998 MISC 5,500,000 875 5,375,000 0
2007 MISC 12,100,481 0 11,789,465 0
2005 MISC 0 0 0 0
1042 MISC 302,473 0 268,381 0
1044 MISC 0 0 0 0
1925 MISC 12,598,919 11,943,651 11,943,651 12,598,919
1932.01 MISC 38,775,649 37,277,096 37,277,096 38,775,649
1932.02 MISC 15,209,443 14,612,438 14,612,438 15,209,443
1933 MISC 17,332,336 16,836,298 16,836,298 17,332,336
1940 MISC 2,908,333 2,577,844 2,577,844 2,908,333
1023 MISC 110,178 110,174 110,174 110,178
1944 MISC 6,010,630 5,769,964 5,769,964 6,010,630
1945 MISC 2,982,172 2,872,203 2,872,203 2,982,172
1949 MISC 3,552,127 3,314,044 3,314,044 3,552,127
1954 MISC 3,011,044 2,906,830 2,906,830 3,011,044
1961 MISC 4,403,166 4,250,089 4,250,089 4,403,166
1965 MISC 3,649,431 3,600,724 3,600,724 3,649,431
1967 MISC 3,256,442 3,158,722 3,158,722 3,256,442
1970 MISC 771,601 688,644 688,644 771,601
1026 MISC 185,392 156,420 156,420 185,392
1976 MISC 7,990,442 7,796,645 7,796,645 7,990,442
1985 MISC 4,962,349 4,826,861 4,826,861 4,962,349
506,985,229 351,324,541 493,827,704 0 0 0 0 363,355,116 0 0

In: Accounting

Read and study all the material and the Case Study: American Investment Management Services in Week...

Read and study all the material and the Case Study: American Investment Management Services in Week 9 before beginning the final exam. “Exhibits” are found in that Case. Then answer the following questions about the Case Study: American Investment Management Services:

#3. Noting that excess capacity is charged back to active accounts, if AIMS scaled back to 3,000,000 active households and planned only a 10% excess capacity reserve for future growth, a large proportion of cost could be eliminated. Estimate how much of total cost for 1999 could be eliminated, based on facts presented in the case.

American Investment Management Services (AIMS)

Kim Davis, Executive Vice President ofAIMS, sat in her 43rdfloor corner office overlooking the Manhattan skyline, reflecting on the challenges facing the investment services business in 2000. Profits had come easily during the longest economic expansion ofthe century. However, signs ofweakness in the economy,

financial market volatility, intense competition for high net worth customers, and the proliferationofcomplex technology-dependent products were all making her life much more complicated AIMS had recently invested in new analytic tools to help think more strategically about its operations and customers. Kim wondered how much the new analytic approach would really impact business decision-making. Was intensive customer segment analysis a real opportunity orjust another "shot in the dark?"

AIMS is one of the larger investment services providers in the U.S., approaching $500 billion in assets in 2000. Ofthis total, a little more than halfwas in mutual funds and the balance in brokerage accounts. This case deals with customer profitability assessment for AIMS' 3.9 million households, up from 1.8 million in just four years. Until I999, AIMS had no system for measuring the profitability of any specific customer.

SEGMENT A TION

AIMS spanned two separate and very different product lines (mutual funds and full-line brokerage services), but that was only one element of the complexity it faced. In addition to this product complexity, it also spanned three distinct "distribution channels" (Call Centers, Full Service Branches, and E-business), and a complex array of customers with diverse asset holdings, trading patterns, investment objectives and service requirements. There was no particularly sharp focus on what kind of households to add. The basic idea was high wealth, but that was not pushed exclusively at all. Basically, AIMS wanted to do business with the same 2 million American households (over $1 million in invested assets) that 2 I other major financial services firms were pursuing.

In I999, AIMS introduced segment analysis, starting with a four-way segmentation that mixed three different dimensions: asset holdings, trading activity and age (as a proxy for investment objectives). The first segment was any household with more than $500,000 in assets under management at AIMS ("High Net Worth," or "HNW''). Failing this test, the second segment was households trading more than 36 times in I998 ("Active Traders," or "AT"). Failing this test as well, the third segment was households where the principal customer was already retirement age (60 years old). Finally, customers failing all three of these tests comprised the fourth segment-all other, termed "Core" customers. "Core," with more than 70% of all households, was the largest segment.

The primary role of any segmentation is to facilitate analysis leading to management actions tailored to the specific needs of defined customer subgroups. No particular segmentation is ever beyond dispute. Whatever approach is chosen necessarily emphasizes some distinctions and de­ emphasizes others. But, the AIMS segmentation was particularly contentious on two grounds: I) it segmented current customers rather than a market. It is as if Procter & Gamble were to segment the detergent market based on how many pounds of Tide are purchased; 2) the sequence specific classification scheme meant that labels could be misleading: for example, the segment Active Trader applies only to households which are not each HNW. And, "Retiree" applied only to households which were not each HNW or AT.

2

AIMS

FINANCIAL RESULTS

As shown in Exhibit I, AIMS did quite well in 1999. Net margin afteJ tax was about $156 million on an underlying equity investment of about $625 million. But, 1999 represented the height of the prolonged bull market. The year 2000 was projected to be much less bullish, and most Wall Street observers envisioned the next few years to be much less rosy than the previous ten.

Even in 1999, performance was not consistent across all the customer segments. Pre-tax margin ranged from a high of48% for HNW, to only 6% for Retirees and minus 4% for Core.

The revenue breakdown across segments in Exhibit I is based on actual identification with individual customers. The expense breakdown starts with an annual "unit cost" study that uses "Activity-Based Costing" (ABC) principles. The study first assigned all operating costs from the General Ledger to specific processes or "activities." Then, the activity costs were divided by throughput measures for each activity, to create "cost per unit of activity" for each sub-stage of each process. This process is illustrated in Exhibit 2 for estimated costs for 2000. Individual unit costs were then multiplied by throughput totals for each segment and aggregated to provide total expenses per segment as shown in Exhibit I, a report format which was new at AIMS in 1999.

THE, CUSTOMER/PRODUCT PROFITABILITY INITIA TIVE

As a management report, Exhibit I was too aggregated to identify actionable issues. In 2000, AIMS undertook a project to take customer/product profitability reporting down to the individual household level to provide more useable, timely, and integrated information for decision­ making. The new system combined unit costs from the annual ABC study with current actual household activity and attributes (e.g., products held, services used, number of trades, number of rep-assisted phone calls) extracted from the Marketing Database to generate profitability by household. The data then were exported into easily queried online analytical processing (OLAP) "cubes." OLAP cubes allow profitability analysis of the intersections among customer attributes, product/service attributes, and channels ofdistribution.

Exhibit 2, which illustrates the first step in this n.ew .system (unit costs across processes), is highly s1mpltfied for purposes of the case. As shown, a "driver" was chosen to proxy the activity in each process­ telephone calls as the driver of activity in the Call Center, for example. Next, a count was made of the total estimated units of the activity for 2000 for each driver­ 7~.l million calls for the Call Center, for example. Fmally, the total cost for the process was divided by the total activity count to calculate cost per unit of activity for that process.

Some ofthe assignments ofcosts to activities and some of the activity measures are "soft," but the activity costs tagged to individual households based on actual household activity are conceptually plausible and at least directionally correct. Similarly, product-specific and service-specific revenues are driven down to a household level. Household profitability calculations are thus based on actual asset holdings, fee-based services consumed and activity usage. The actual system in use allows for 11 categories o f customer revenue and 70 categories o f process cost.

Conceptually, Exhibit 2 represents "long-run average cost" for each activity. It does not attempt to portray marginal or incremental cost because it is not intended for use in short-run cost-volume-profit (CVP) analyses. Since very little cost at AIMS is variable with short-run volume fluctuations anyway, short-run CVP analysis is really just based on revenue changes.

Almost all costs are "step costs" which go up (or down), in chunks as capacity is added to (or deleted from) the system. In a business as fast-growing as AIMS has been in recent years, capacity is typically being added every year in many places across the process value chain ahead o f usage requirements. Thus, there is almost always excess capacity in the system. And, the extent of excess capacity varies across processes, depending on where growth has been fastest and where recent expansions have been made. The analysis in Exhibit 2 divides current cost by current throughput to calculate unit cost. The analysis thus charges any excess capacity to the current users of the process. This is debatable, conceptually, but is not recognized as a practical problem at AIMS.

The expense base grew substantially faster than throughput volume between 1995 and 1999 in anticipation of even greater future growth. In 1995, ~here was about 10% excess capacity (on average) in the operating expense base. Capacity grew at a compound rate of about 26% from 1995 to 1999, versus households growth at about 21%. As a result, excess capacity in 1999 was a much larger percentage of the expense base, across branches, the call center, on-line activity, transactions processing and account maintenance activity. Kim wondered how much of operating capacity was devoted to unprofitable customers.

THE SEGMENTATION REFINEMENT

INITIATIVE

Another new initiative in 2000 to enhance customer profitability analysis involved further refining the segmentation. The goal was to better identify customer clusters that would be responsive to specific managerial actions. Kim Davis was chairing the task force coordinati~g this effort. The primary four-way segmentation was expanded to 11 categories as shown below.

AIMS

3

High Net Worth(> $500,000 ofassets under management) I. (16,000 Households)> $2,000,000 in assets under

management
2. (141,000 Households) - $500,000 to $2,000,000

Active Traders(> 36 trades per year)
3. ( 9,000 Households) - more than 200 trades 4. (12,000 Households) - 60 to 200 trades
5. (19,000 Households)- 36 to 60 trades

Retirees
6. (262,000 Households)- $100,000 to $500,000 in

assets under management
7. (607,000 Households)< $100,000

Core
8. (426,000 Households)- $100,000 to $500,000 in

assets under management
9. (1,762,000 Households) - "Boomers" (40 to 59 years

o f age)
10. (434,000 Households)- "Young Professionals"

(under 40 years o f age)
11. (192,000 Households) - All Other, including

employees

CUSTOMER PROFITABILITY ANAL YSIS

As noted earlier, although the company was very profitable in 1999 as the ten-year bull market continued, the senior management group was concerned about the tremendous range o f profitability across customer segments and about the potential for substantial profit erosion when overall markets slowed down, as was widely anticipated over the next few years. Kim challenged the management team to analyze customer mix carefully to identify problem areas and potential corrective actions.

One new management report now being produced each quarter showed income statements for each of he eleven segments broken down by deciles, starting with the most profitable 10% of households and ending with the least profitable 10%. Not surprisingly, the tenth decile in all eleven segments was unprofitable, even before considering any allocation of marketing expenses directed at acquisition of new customers. It was generally agreed that profitability analysis of current households should exclude all expenditures directly related to new households-either "prospecting" expenses in marketing

or new account set-up expenses in the back office. When the segmentation was ignored, 75% of the bottom decile customers were in the Core segment and 80% had less than $100,000 in assets under management.

The wide range ofprofitability across deciles and segments is summarized in Exhibit 3 for 1999. The aggregate loss on all unprofitable households in 1999 was $248 million. Obviously, unprofitable households are an important concern for AIMS. Kim Davis wanted to identify the roots ofthe problem as clearly as possible.

At a casual level of analysis, an unprofitable household suggests one oftwo responses:

• "Fire" them, because AIMS does not want customers on whom it loses money.

• "Do nothing," because there is usually some compensating business reason for keeping .them-the "loss leader" concept. It is possible to construct a long list of reasons to choose to

keep any one currently unprofitable household. At a deeper level of analysis, an unprofitable household suggests that AIMS change its behavior (or the household's behavior) to convert the household to profitable status. In general, there are three ways to convert unprofitable households into profitable ones:

• Raise prices.
• Substitute less expensive for more expensive

services.
• Reduce the cost of delivering some (or all)

services.
Exhibit 4 presents activity profiles o f six

individual tenth decile households chosen to highlight management problems across different segments. Each household presented in Exhibit 4 proxies for thousands of households with the same general profile. The activity profile of the "average" account is also shown for comparison.

Preliminary discussions about "improving customer profitability" focused on the 2000 forecast for representative "problem households" such as those depicted in Exhibit 4. Management wanted to consider both revenue enhancement proposals and service containment proposals.

Potential Account Profitability Enhancement Programs

l)

2) 3)

4)

5) 6) 7)

Charge $15. per rep-assisted call, over 50 calls per year (22,000 l0th Decile Households generate more than 50 calls/year)
Charge $.02 per quote over 100 per transaction Charge a minimum annual fee on brokerage assets or mutual fund assets of $200 or 20 BP, whichever is greater (a fee for the right to trade, even when trading is very inactive)

For customers who generate less than $560. revenue per year (the average), limit access to branches and customer representatives:

charge $100. for branch consultations
- route all incoming calls to the automated

answering service, bypassing account reps Charge $.75 for automated calls over 300 per year.

Charge $1.25 for on-line visits over 10 per transaction.
Set a minimum balance for all new accounts of $50,000 of assets invested (perhaps exempt persons under 35 years old), and a minimum balance of $75,000 of assets invested for persons over 45 years old.

4 AIMS

(Research indicated that AIMS only had about 40% of the invested assets of its custo)llers, on average. The other 60% was invested elsewhere.)

Each ofthese proposals was modeled on charges levied by one or another of AIMS' major competitors, including Charles Squibb, Morton Staley Dan Withers, Merry Lurch, or United Express. Other competitors such as Towncorp Bank or County Road Financial Services approached this problem by limiting their offer of investment advisory services to customers with more than $1 million in invested assets. A good question was why AIMS bothered at all with low net worth customers when so many of them were unprofitable now and likely to remain so.

Questions: Please answer in depth

1. What managerial insights about profitability per household can you extract from Exhibit 3?

2. a) Using ABC analysis, and the information in Exhibits 2 and 4, calculate the loss per household for the six customer profiles per Exhibit 4. Round your calculations to the nearest dollar. b) What are two specific management actions for each of the six customer profiles that would substantially improve the profitability? Calculate the impact of these actions to the nearest dollar.

3. Noting that excess capacity is charged back to active accounts, if AIMS scaled back to 3,000,000 active households and planned only a 10% excess capacity reserve for future growth, a large proportion of cost could be eliminated. Estimate how much of total cost for 1999 could be eliminated, based on facts presented in the case.

4. What are your overall recommendations to top management based on the customer profitability information?

In: Accounting

Carilion Clinic Case History/Background Nestled in the Commonwealth of Virginia between Salem and Vinton is the...

Carilion Clinic

Case History/Background

Nestled in the Commonwealth of Virginia between Salem and Vinton is the city of Roanoke, whose population was approximately 98,000 in 2010. The metropolitan area population was about 309,000. Bisected by the Roanoke River and circled by the Blue Ridge Mountain Parkway, Roanoke is the commercial and cultural hub of western Virginia and southern West Virginia.

The community that became Roanoke was established in 1852. Early economic development of Roanoke resulted from its importance as the junction point for the Shenandoah Valley Railroad and the Norfolk and Western Railway. These railroads were essential for transporting coal from western Virginia and West Virginia. Roanoke’s service area includes a regional report, shopping malls, a regional hub for United Parcel Service, and manufacturing plants for General Electric, Yokohama tires, and Dynax, a maker of friction-based automobile parts.

Carilion Clinic

Carilion Clinic employs almost 12% of Roanoke’s population. The clinic includes 9 freestanding hospitals, 7 urgent care centers, and 220 (and increasing) practice centers, and it employs over 650 physicians in more than 70 specialties. The clinic has 1,026 licensed beds, not including 60 neonatal intensive care unit beds. The clinic had 48,659 admissions in fiscal year 2014-15.

The clinic’s joint ventures and related companies include the following:

Carilion Clinic Physicians, LLC (real estate holding company)

Carilion Emergency Services, Inc.

Carilion Behavioral Health, Inc.

In March 2010, the same month and year the Affordable Care Act became law, the clinic was ordered by the Federal Trade Commission to divest itself of an outpatient surgical center and an imaging center. Both had been acquired as it sought to re-create “The Mayo Clinic” medical delivery model.

Led by Edward G. Murphy, M.D., from 1998 to 2011, Carilion Health System became Carilion Clinic, a vertically integrated health-care system. During Murphy’s tenure the system expanded to include graduate and undergraduate medical education programs, a school of medicine (through a partnership with Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University Virginia Tech), and, perhaps most impressively, Carilion established an accountable care organization in partnership with Aetna insurance company.

Dr. Murphy’s total compensation was almost $2.3 million in 2007. Nancy Agee, the clinic’s chief operating officer at the time, earned the next highest salary of about $800,000. When Murphy resigned in 2011, Ms. Agee was promoted to president and CEO. In fiscal 2014, Carilion Clinic net revenue was $1.5 million. Agee’s salary was $1.9 million.

CONTROVERSY IN ROANOKE

Despite its philanthropic mission and positive effect on Roanoke, Carilion Clinic has not always enjoyed a good relationship with its community.

   In May 1988, the U.S. Justice Department’s Antitrust Division sought to prevent the merger of Roanoke’s two hospitals: Memorial Roanoke Hospital and Community Hospital of Roanoke Valley. The lawsuit sought to block the merger because of the monopoly it alleged would result. Less than one year after the suit was filed, the Fourth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals found for defendants Memorial Roanoke Hospital and Community Hospital of Roanoke Valley.

   The merger between defendant hospitals would not constitute an unreasonable restraint of trade under the Sherman Act $1. The merger would strengthen the competition between the hospitals in the area because defendant hospitals could offer more competitive prices and services.

In the two appeals that followed, courts found for defendant hospitals, which then merged and were named Carilion Health System. The decision provided legal basis for what is now the Carilion Clinic.

IN A MARKET: WHAT CONSTITUTES A MONOPOLY?

A monopoly occurs when one or more persons or a company dominate an economic market. This market domination results in the potential to exploit or suppresses those in the market or those trying to enter it (supplier, provider, or consumer).

   During the 19th century, the U.S. government began prosecuting monopolies under the common law as “market interference offenses” to block suppliers from raising prices. At the time, companies sometimes sought to but all supplies of a certain material or product in an area, a practice known as “cornering the market”.

   In 1887, Congress passed the Interstate Commerce Act in response to railway companies’ monopolistic practices in small, local markets. This legislation protected small farmers who were being charged excessive rates to transport their products. Congress addressed monopolistic practices further by passing the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890, which limited anticompetitive practices of businesses. The act blocked transfer of stock shares to trustees in exchange for a certificate entitling them to some of the earnings. The Sherman Act was the basis for the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914, the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914, and the Robinson-Patman Act of 1936, which replaced the Clayton Act.

   Antitrust or competition laws address three main issues:

Prohibit agreements or practices that restrict free trade and competition among business entities.

Ban abusive behavior by a firm dominating a marker, or anticompetitive practices that tend to lead to such a dominant position.

Supervise the mergers and acquisitions of large corporations, including some joint ventures.

The Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI)helps implement these laws by providing a mathematical method to determine market “density”, or the concentration of the market. Antitrust laws and methods of calculating market density, such as HHI, are imperfect and can leave gaps that may be exploited.

   Since its establishment, the mission of the Federal Trade Commission has remained largely unchanged. Laws affecting private enterprise and government agencies have not. It is possible this mal juxtaposition underlies many of the difficulties in the healthcare industry.

VERTICAL INTEGRATION: THE MAYO CLINIC MODEL

The Mayo Clinic is the leading example of vertical integration in the delivery of healthcare in the United States. Founded in Rochester, Minnesota, in 1863, the Mayo Clinic began as the medical practice of William Worrall Mayo and his two sons, who were also physicians. It grew to include a comprehensive array of specialties. Mayo developed different levels of care across the health services continuum. The result was a vertically integrated health system. Mayo physicians are salaried at market levels, and they control the management structure.

   Mayo Clinic is headquartered in Rochester, Minnesota; it has satellite clinics elsewhere in the United States. In addition, Mayo and various medical centers worldwide have consulting and referral relationships. Mayo provides excellence and dedication in delivery of services with a constant, and self-admittedly stubborn, commitment to core values, which include that the needs of the patient come first, the integration of teamwork, efficiency, and mission over profit.

   Mayo has been long recognized for high performance, research and innovation. It has ranked at or near the top of “Honor Roll” hospitals through the history of U.S. News and World Report’s best-hospital rankings. In 2015 - 2016, Mayo clinic had more number one rankings than any U.S. hospital or system. Eight specialties ranked number one: diabetes and endocrinology, gastroenterology and gastrointestinal surgery, geriatrics, gynecology, nephrology, neurology and neurosurgery, pulmonology, and urology.

FORESHADOWING A MAYO CLINIC CLONE

Even before Murphy took the helm in 2001, Carilion Health System actions had stirred significant, but manageable, controversy in the community. Much of the controversy resulted from the antitrust case in 1988. After the court ruled that the merger did not violate federal law because it posted no threat of monopoly, the hospital continued its previous work in the community.

   After becoming CEO, Murphy began to vertically integrate the Carilion Health System. His formal plan was presented in fall 2006. Part of evolving to a Mayo-style organization included acquiring physician practices in the community; some were closed after acquisition.

WHO IS EDWARD G. MURPHY, M.D.?

Edward. G. Murphy earned his BS from the University of Albany, New York, and his medical degree (with honors) from Harvard University Medical School. Although he never practiced medicine. Murphy was a clinical professor at the University of Albany School of Public Health and an adjunct assistant professor at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute School of Management. Before leaving New York state he was also a member of the New York State Hospital Review and Planning Council, and he served on its executive committee as the vice chair of the fiscal policy council.

   From 1989 to 1991, Murphy served as the vice president of clinical services at Leonard Hospital, a 143-bed facility north of Albany, New York. In 1991, he was promoted to president and CEO of Leonard Hospital until it merged with St. Mary Hospital fo form Seton Health system in 1994. Murphy became president and CEO of that new health system and stayed with Seton until 1998, when he relocated to Roanoke to head Carilion Health System.

   During his tenure at Carilion Clinic, Murphy managed the growth of that two-hospital health system into a vertically integrated model of healthcare delivery anchored by a 500-physician specialty group practice that included nine not-for-profit hospitals, undergraduate medical programs, an array of tertiary referral services, and a multistate laboratory service. In 2007, Murphy announced plans for the Virginia Tech Carilion School of Medicine, which opened in 2010. In 2010, Murphy was paid $2.27 million ($1.37 million in salary and $900,000 in benefits).

Murphy’s other roles in the Roanoke community included memberships on the boards of Healthcare Professionals Insurance Company and Trust; Luna Innovations, Inc; and Hometown Bank. He is past chair of the Art Museum of Western Virginia. He also served in an influential position with the council on Virginia’s Future, which works to frame the growth and progress of the state, including businesses, people, and the health of the population.

   Murphy left Carilion to become chairman of Sound Physicians, a national provider of Intensivist and hospitalist services. In 2012, he became the operating officer of Radius Ventures, a venture capital firm that invests in health-related companies.

VERTICAL INTEGRATION: BECOMING A “CLINIC”

Murphy was always clear about his plans for Carilion Health System. In an August 2006 interview, “Right now...our core business is hospital services. In the new model, the core business will be physician services; the hospital will become ancillary. In a 2007 interview for Health Leaders Magazine, Murphy explained, “I’ve been enamored of this model of healthcare delivery for a long time.”

   In Fall 2006, Murphy, his staff, and the leadership board of Carilion Health System announced their plan to create a new model for Carilion management characterized by teamwork and salaried physicians and other caregivers focused on patients across the spectrum of care. Murphy explained:

   The essence of the clinic model is that hospitals stop becoming independent businesses and start becoming ancillary services to the physician practice….If hospitals eventually want to provide better and more cost-effective healthcare, it’s a necessary shift.

The transformation was planned for seven years with an 18-month phase -in of its new name, Carilion clinic. Plans for Carilion Clinic included a 50-50 partnership with Virginia Tech University in Blacksburg, Virginia, to establish a private, not-for-profit clinical research institute and a new medical school. Further, from 2007 to 2012 Carilion clinic would add four or five fellowships for physicians to support its mission.

Ground was broken for the much-anticipated university in early 2008. On July 20, 2009, the Virginia State Council for Higher Education approved the Virginia Tech Carilion School of Medicine as a postsecondary institution. It’s first class matriculated in fall 2010.

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL EXPOSE

Usually, an organization is pleased if the Wall street Journal publishes an article about it. That is, of course, unless the story ignites a firestorm that leads to separate citizen and physician coalitions working against the organization and raises the specter of a word from Carilion Clinic’s prehistory: monopoly.

“Nonprofit Hospitals Flex Pricing Power. In Roanoke, Va., Carilion’s Fees Exceed Those of Competitors: The $4,727 Colonoscopy” was published on the front page of the Wall Street Journal August 28, 2008. The author, John Carreyrou, explored Carilion’s history, including the 1989 antitrust case, its expanding”market clout,” and the strides toward its goal of vertical integration. The article suggested that some of the means used were questionable.

   Carreyrou asserted that skyrocketing healthcare costs in Roanoke were partially caused by, or possibly even led by, Carilion Clinic.

   In a press release, Carilion Clinic denied monopolistic practices or exploitative pricing and claimed it faced robust competition from Lewis-Gale Medical Center located in nearby Salem, Virginia. Carilion Clinic defended its pricing practices by noting it must cross-subsidize emergency departments and care for the uninsured.

   Unsettling to some, however, was Carilion’s practice of suing patients for unpaid medical bills. After Carilion obtains a court judgement, a lien is placed against the patient’s home. A lien on real property puts a “cloud” on the title, which prevents the owner from conveying the property with a clear title until the lien has been satisfied. Responding in the Wall street Journal, Murphy stated,

   Carilion only sues patients and places liens on their homes if it believes they have the ability to pay … If you’re asking me if it’s right in a right-and-wrong sense, it’s not...But Carilion cannot be blamed for the country’s “broken” healthcare system.

Murphy asserted that Carilion efforts to protect its financial interests meet legal requirements, but may be morally flawed. This position appears inconsistent with Carilion’s mission that ‘Patient Care Comes First.”

WHERE WERE THE LOCAL MEDIA?

As reported by Carreyrou, Carilion Clinic complained several times to editors of the Roanoke Times regarding reporter Jeff Sturgeon’s coverage of the system. Shortly after the complaints, and mainly in response to a May 2008 article by Sturgeon, Carilion greatly reduced advertising in the Roanoke Times. About the same time, Sturgeon, the paper’s longtime health issues writer, was reassigned.

Even after Sturgeon’s reassignment, Carilion continued to be frontpage news in the Roanoke Times. Reporter Sarah Bruyn Jones covered community reaction to the Wall Street Journal article and the impetus it gave to local coalitions. Her articles included the following: “Carilion Critics Draw Hundreds to Meeting” (September 2008); “Fed Agency Looks into Carilion Purchase” (September 2008); “Carilion Footprint Expands in Deal” (August 2008); and “Carilion to Buy Cardiology Practice” (August 2008). Jone’s reporting put Carilion practices at the forefront for Roanoke’s citizens, but, as noted by Carreyrou, Carilion growth seemed unstoppable.

THE BACKLASH

The August 2008 Wall Street Journal article resulted in a community uproar and fueled physician's’ efforts to air their concerns about Carilion, including its anti competitive actions and unfair pricing, and their desire to have open referrals for patients from outside Carilion’s health network. Citizen and physician coalitions met in hotel conference rooms and community centers to discuss the “unfair practices and behaviors” ifof Carilion Clinic. One, the citizens Coalition for Responsible Healthcare, sponsored a petition that read as follows:

   To Dr. Murphy and the Carilion Health System Board of Directors:

   Please reconsider your Carilion Clinic plans. I want to keep my right to choose my doctor, even if he or she is an independent physician. Please rethink spending $100 million of my community’s money on a Clinic model that could ruin our hospitals! Monopolies are never good for healthcare.

The Coalition’s website offered copies of the Wall Street Journal article, video recordings of their meetings, information about a new forum program, and membership form for those who wished to join their efforts.

   The citizen coalitions stated they intended to focus on the negative impact of Carilion’s transformation to a physician-led clinic that they asserted will increase costs and drive out many local physicians. Murphy’s plan was to bring into Carilion as many physicians as possible; all of whom will be salaried. The concerns of citizen coalitions stemmed from the scope of the effort, which resulted in closure or sale of many physician practices. Unaffiliated physicians asserted they could not compete. Further, Carilion’s system of internal referrals, added to the purchase of existing practices, gave many specialists no choice but to leave, or stay and fight.

   Despite the controversy, Carilion has shown no signs of slowing: it has stayed the course outlined in Fall 2006.

CARILION’S RESPONSE

On August 28, 2008, less than 24 hours after publication of Carreyrou’s Wall Street Journal article, Carilion responded. Statements published in newspapers and posted on Carilion’s website, as well as press releases, stated the allegations and conclusions drawn from them were misleading and misinformed.

   In response, Carilion directed readers’ attention to the Virginia Hospital and Health care Association PricePoint Website. It showed that Carilion’s prices are comparable to surrounding hospitals and are generally lower than its closest competitor, Lewis-Gale Medical center in neighboring Salem, Virginia. To support their position on pricing,Carilion stated “Medical care in hospitals is more expensive … having staff and technology at the ready has its costs. Also mentioned was Carilion’s Lifeguard helicopter, which is subsidized service. Carilion provided $42 million in charity care in 2007 and an additional $25 million in free care (bad debt written off), thus illustrating its dedication and support of its service area. Carilion supports research and education substantial resource commitments that add major costs to the organization and provide subsidize services tiot the community.

   In explaining the policy to sue patients, Carilion stated that efforts are made to qualify patients for public programs, as needed. Further, Carilion said only “a small fraction of the nearly 2 million” patient billings each year go to court.

   Court filings are a final resort, and we try to be flexible. If the judgement includes a lien on an individual’s property, we do not foreclose on the lien. The lien is satisfied if and when the property is sold.

In response to concerns about its internal referral practice, Carilion stated that referrals are sent from physician to physician in the system with the intention of sending patients to better, more-qualified physicians who have earned the referral. The “earn, not force” mentality contributes to the goal of well-coordinated care and service, which is the first choice of patients.

Carilion’s press release closed by describing a wasteful and poorly organized U.S. healthcare system that is hoped to improve with the vertically integrated clinic model of providing care. The hope is that comprehensive, high quality, and cost-effective care will put the patient first. The reader of the press release is reminded that what happened at Mayo could be replicated at Carilion.

CURRENT SITUATION IN ROANOKE

As noted, Carilion Clinic has a medical school partnership, an expanding physician practice with a robust specialty list, and its own accountable care organization, which continues to show progress and increased membership.

Three decades after the hospital merger controversy began in Roanoke, Virginia, the economic and healthcare environments have changed, the population is increasing, and healthcare costs are rising. When the antitrust case was brought in 1988, Roanoke had among the lowest health insurance premiums in Virginia; now, they are among the highest.

Discussion questions to be answered

1) Identify the problems Carilion Clinic faces as it seeks to become a comprehensive, vertically integrated healthcare provider.

2) Briefly explain the summary of the case

3) Identify the most important factors/facts of the Case study

4) Explain the critical issues that is the most important health administration problem/issue to be solved and if applicable, identified secondary problems.

5) Identify the recommended solution of the case. At least three realistic alternative solutions.

6) Identify the relevant concepts and tools for example, methods, techniques, principles,theories, and or models.

In: Nursing

Carilion Clinic Case History/Background Nestled in the Commonwealth of Virginia between Salem and Vinton is the...

Carilion Clinic

Case History/Background

Nestled in the Commonwealth of Virginia between Salem and Vinton is the city of Roanoke, whose population was approximately 98,000 in 2010. The metropolitan area population was about 309,000. Bisected by the Roanoke River and circled by the Blue Ridge Mountain Parkway, Roanoke is the commercial and cultural hub of western Virginia and southern West Virginia.

The community that became Roanoke was established in 1852. Early economic development of Roanoke resulted from its importance as the junction point for the Shenandoah Valley Railroad and the Norfolk and Western Railway. These railroads were essential for transporting coal from western Virginia and West Virginia. Roanoke’s service area includes a regional report, shopping malls, a regional hub for United Parcel Service, and manufacturing plants for General Electric, Yokohama tires, and Dynax, a maker of friction-based automobile parts.

Carilion Clinic

Carilion Clinic employs almost 12% of Roanoke’s population. The clinic includes 9 freestanding hospitals, 7 urgent care centers, and 220 (and increasing) practice centers, and it employs over 650 physicians in more than 70 specialties. The clinic has 1,026 licensed beds, not including 60 neonatal intensive care unit beds. The clinic had 48,659 admissions in fiscal year 2014-15.

The clinic’s joint ventures and related companies include the following:

Carilion Clinic Physicians, LLC (real estate holding company)

Carilion Emergency Services, Inc.

Carilion Behavioral Health, Inc.

In March 2010, the same month and year the Affordable Care Act became law, the clinic was ordered by the Federal Trade Commission to divest itself of an outpatient surgical center and an imaging center. Both had been acquired as it sought to re-create “The Mayo Clinic” medical delivery model.

Led by Edward G. Murphy, M.D., from 1998 to 2011, Carilion Health System became Carilion Clinic, a vertically integrated health-care system. During Murphy’s tenure the system expanded to include graduate and undergraduate medical education programs, a school of medicine (through a partnership with Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University Virginia Tech), and, perhaps most impressively, Carilion established an accountable care organization in partnership with Aetna insurance company.

Dr. Murphy’s total compensation was almost $2.3 million in 2007. Nancy Agee, the clinic’s chief operating officer at the time, earned the next highest salary of about $800,000. When Murphy resigned in 2011, Ms. Agee was promoted to president and CEO. In fiscal 2014, Carilion Clinic net revenue was $1.5 million. Agee’s salary was $1.9 million.

CONTROVERSY IN ROANOKE

Despite its philanthropic mission and positive effect on Roanoke, Carilion Clinic has not always enjoyed a good relationship with its community.

   In May 1988, the U.S. Justice Department’s Antitrust Division sought to prevent the merger of Roanoke’s two hospitals: Memorial Roanoke Hospital and Community Hospital of Roanoke Valley. The lawsuit sought to block the merger because of the monopoly it alleged would result. Less than one year after the suit was filed, the Fourth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals found for defendants Memorial Roanoke Hospital and Community Hospital of Roanoke Valley.

   The merger between defendant hospitals would not constitute an unreasonable restraint of trade under the Sherman Act $1. The merger would strengthen the competition between the hospitals in the area because defendant hospitals could offer more competitive prices and services.

In the two appeals that followed, courts found for defendant hospitals, which then merged and were named Carilion Health System. The decision provided legal basis for what is now the Carilion Clinic.

IN A MARKET: WHAT CONSTITUTES A MONOPOLY?

A monopoly occurs when one or more persons or a company dominate an economic market. This market domination results in the potential to exploit or suppresses those in the market or those trying to enter it (supplier, provider, or consumer).

   During the 19th century, the U.S. government began prosecuting monopolies under the common law as “market interference offenses” to block suppliers from raising prices. At the time, companies sometimes sought to but all supplies of a certain material or product in an area, a practice known as “cornering the market”.

   In 1887, Congress passed the Interstate Commerce Act in response to railway companies’ monopolistic practices in small, local markets. This legislation protected small farmers who were being charged excessive rates to transport their products. Congress addressed monopolistic practices further by passing the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890, which limited anticompetitive practices of businesses. The act blocked transfer of stock shares to trustees in exchange for a certificate entitling them to some of the earnings. The Sherman Act was the basis for the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914, the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914, and the Robinson-Patman Act of 1936, which replaced the Clayton Act.

   Antitrust or competition laws address three main issues:

Prohibit agreements or practices that restrict free trade and competition among business entities.

Ban abusive behavior by a firm dominating a marker, or anticompetitive practices that tend to lead to such a dominant position.

Supervise the mergers and acquisitions of large corporations, including some joint ventures.

The Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI)helps implement these laws by providing a mathematical method to determine market “density”, or the concentration of the market. Antitrust laws and methods of calculating market density, such as HHI, are imperfect and can leave gaps that may be exploited.

   Since its establishment, the mission of the Federal Trade Commission has remained largely unchanged. Laws affecting private enterprise and government agencies have not. It is possible this mal juxtaposition underlies many of the difficulties in the healthcare industry.

VERTICAL INTEGRATION: THE MAYO CLINIC MODEL

The Mayo Clinic is the leading example of vertical integration in the delivery of healthcare in the United States. Founded in Rochester, Minnesota, in 1863, the Mayo Clinic began as the medical practice of William Worrall Mayo and his two sons, who were also physicians. It grew to include a comprehensive array of specialties. Mayo developed different levels of care across the health services continuum. The result was a vertically integrated health system. Mayo physicians are salaried at market levels, and they control the management structure.

   Mayo Clinic is headquartered in Rochester, Minnesota; it has satellite clinics elsewhere in the United States. In addition, Mayo and various medical centers worldwide have consulting and referral relationships. Mayo provides excellence and dedication in delivery of services with a constant, and self-admittedly stubborn, commitment to core values, which include that the needs of the patient come first, the integration of teamwork, efficiency, and mission over profit.

   Mayo has been long recognized for high performance, research and innovation. It has ranked at or near the top of “Honor Roll” hospitals through the history of U.S. News and World Report’s best-hospital rankings. In 2015 - 2016, Mayo clinic had more number one rankings than any U.S. hospital or system. Eight specialties ranked number one: diabetes and endocrinology, gastroenterology and gastrointestinal surgery, geriatrics, gynecology, nephrology, neurology and neurosurgery, pulmonology, and urology.

FORESHADOWING A MAYO CLINIC CLONE

Even before Murphy took the helm in 2001, Carilion Health System actions had stirred significant, but manageable, controversy in the community. Much of the controversy resulted from the antitrust case in 1988. After the court ruled that the merger did not violate federal law because it posted no threat of monopoly, the hospital continued its previous work in the community.

   After becoming CEO, Murphy began to vertically integrate the Carilion Health System. His formal plan was presented in fall 2006. Part of evolving to a Mayo-style organization included acquiring physician practices in the community; some were closed after acquisition.

WHO IS EDWARD G. MURPHY, M.D.?

Edward. G. Murphy earned his BS from the University of Albany, New York, and his medical degree (with honors) from Harvard University Medical School. Although he never practiced medicine. Murphy was a clinical professor at the University of Albany School of Public Health and an adjunct assistant professor at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute School of Management. Before leaving New York state he was also a member of the New York State Hospital Review and Planning Council, and he served on its executive committee as the vice chair of the fiscal policy council.

   From 1989 to 1991, Murphy served as the vice president of clinical services at Leonard Hospital, a 143-bed facility north of Albany, New York. In 1991, he was promoted to president and CEO of Leonard Hospital until it merged with St. Mary Hospital fo form Seton Health system in 1994. Murphy became president and CEO of that new health system and stayed with Seton until 1998, when he relocated to Roanoke to head Carilion Health System.

   During his tenure at Carilion Clinic, Murphy managed the growth of that two-hospital health system into a vertically integrated model of healthcare delivery anchored by a 500-physician specialty group practice that included nine not-for-profit hospitals, undergraduate medical programs, an array of tertiary referral services, and a multistate laboratory service. In 2007, Murphy announced plans for the Virginia Tech Carilion School of Medicine, which opened in 2010. In 2010, Murphy was paid $2.27 million ($1.37 million in salary and $900,000 in benefits).

Murphy’s other roles in the Roanoke community included memberships on the boards of Healthcare Professionals Insurance Company and Trust; Luna Innovations, Inc; and Hometown Bank. He is past chair of the Art Museum of Western Virginia. He also served in an influential position with the council on Virginia’s Future, which works to frame the growth and progress of the state, including businesses, people, and the health of the population.

   Murphy left Carilion to become chairman of Sound Physicians, a national provider of Intensivist and hospitalist services. In 2012, he became the operating officer of Radius Ventures, a venture capital firm that invests in health-related companies.

VERTICAL INTEGRATION: BECOMING A “CLINIC”

Murphy was always clear about his plans for Carilion Health System. In an August 2006 interview, “Right now...our core business is hospital services. In the new model, the core business will be physician services; the hospital will become ancillary. In a 2007 interview for Health Leaders Magazine, Murphy explained, “I’ve been enamored of this model of healthcare delivery for a long time.”

   In Fall 2006, Murphy, his staff, and the leadership board of Carilion Health System announced their plan to create a new model for Carilion management characterized by teamwork and salaried physicians and other caregivers focused on patients across the spectrum of care. Murphy explained:

   The essence of the clinic model is that hospitals stop becoming independent businesses and start becoming ancillary services to the physician practice….If hospitals eventually want to provide better and more cost-effective healthcare, it’s a necessary shift.

The transformation was planned for seven years with an 18-month phase -in of its new name, Carilion clinic. Plans for Carilion Clinic included a 50-50 partnership with Virginia Tech University in Blacksburg, Virginia, to establish a private, not-for-profit clinical research institute and a new medical school. Further, from 2007 to 2012 Carilion clinic would add four or five fellowships for physicians to support its mission.

Ground was broken for the much-anticipated university in early 2008. On July 20, 2009, the Virginia State Council for Higher Education approved the Virginia Tech Carilion School of Medicine as a postsecondary institution. It’s first class matriculated in fall 2010.

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL EXPOSE

Usually, an organization is pleased if the Wall street Journal publishes an article about it. That is, of course, unless the story ignites a firestorm that leads to separate citizen and physician coalitions working against the organization and raises the specter of a word from Carilion Clinic’s prehistory: monopoly.

“Nonprofit Hospitals Flex Pricing Power. In Roanoke, Va., Carilion’s Fees Exceed Those of Competitors: The $4,727 Colonoscopy” was published on the front page of the Wall Street Journal August 28, 2008. The author, John Carreyrou, explored Carilion’s history, including the 1989 antitrust case, its expanding”market clout,” and the strides toward its goal of vertical integration. The article suggested that some of the means used were questionable.

   Carreyrou asserted that skyrocketing healthcare costs in Roanoke were partially caused by, or possibly even led by, Carilion Clinic.

   In a press release, Carilion Clinic denied monopolistic practices or exploitative pricing and claimed it faced robust competition from Lewis-Gale Medical Center located in nearby Salem, Virginia. Carilion Clinic defended its pricing practices by noting it must cross-subsidize emergency departments and care for the uninsured.

   Unsettling to some, however, was Carilion’s practice of suing patients for unpaid medical bills. After Carilion obtains a court judgement, a lien is placed against the patient’s home. A lien on real property puts a “cloud” on the title, which prevents the owner from conveying the property with a clear title until the lien has been satisfied. Responding in the Wall street Journal, Murphy stated,

   Carilion only sues patients and places liens on their homes if it believes they have the ability to pay … If you’re asking me if it’s right in a right-and-wrong sense, it’s not...But Carilion cannot be blamed for the country’s “broken” healthcare system.

Murphy asserted that Carilion efforts to protect its financial interests meet legal requirements, but may be morally flawed. This position appears inconsistent with Carilion’s mission that ‘Patient Care Comes First.”

WHERE WERE THE LOCAL MEDIA?

As reported by Carreyrou, Carilion Clinic complained several times to editors of the Roanoke Times regarding reporter Jeff Sturgeon’s coverage of the system. Shortly after the complaints, and mainly in response to a May 2008 article by Sturgeon, Carilion greatly reduced advertising in the Roanoke Times. About the same time, Sturgeon, the paper’s longtime health issues writer, was reassigned.

Even after Sturgeon’s reassignment, Carilion continued to be frontpage news in the Roanoke Times. Reporter Sarah Bruyn Jones covered community reaction to the Wall Street Journal article and the impetus it gave to local coalitions. Her articles included the following: “Carilion Critics Draw Hundreds to Meeting” (September 2008); “Fed Agency Looks into Carilion Purchase” (September 2008); “Carilion Footprint Expands in Deal” (August 2008); and “Carilion to Buy Cardiology Practice” (August 2008). Jone’s reporting put Carilion practices at the forefront for Roanoke’s citizens, but, as noted by Carreyrou, Carilion growth seemed unstoppable.

THE BACKLASH

The August 2008 Wall Street Journal article resulted in a community uproar and fueled physician's’ efforts to air their concerns about Carilion, including its anti competitive actions and unfair pricing, and their desire to have open referrals for patients from outside Carilion’s health network. Citizen and physician coalitions met in hotel conference rooms and community centers to discuss the “unfair practices and behaviors” ifof Carilion Clinic. One, the citizens Coalition for Responsible Healthcare, sponsored a petition that read as follows:

   To Dr. Murphy and the Carilion Health System Board of Directors:

   Please reconsider your Carilion Clinic plans. I want to keep my right to choose my doctor, even if he or she is an independent physician. Please rethink spending $100 million of my community’s money on a Clinic model that could ruin our hospitals! Monopolies are never good for healthcare.

The Coalition’s website offered copies of the Wall Street Journal article, video recordings of their meetings, information about a new forum program, and membership form for those who wished to join their efforts.

   The citizen coalitions stated they intended to focus on the negative impact of Carilion’s transformation to a physician-led clinic that they asserted will increase costs and drive out many local physicians. Murphy’s plan was to bring into Carilion as many physicians as possible; all of whom will be salaried. The concerns of citizen coalitions stemmed from the scope of the effort, which resulted in closure or sale of many physician practices. Unaffiliated physicians asserted they could not compete. Further, Carilion’s system of internal referrals, added to the purchase of existing practices, gave many specialists no choice but to leave, or stay and fight.

   Despite the controversy, Carilion has shown no signs of slowing: it has stayed the course outlined in Fall 2006.

CARILION’S RESPONSE

On August 28, 2008, less than 24 hours after publication of Carreyrou’s Wall Street Journal article, Carilion responded. Statements published in newspapers and posted on Carilion’s website, as well as press releases, stated the allegations and conclusions drawn from them were misleading and misinformed.

   In response, Carilion directed readers’ attention to the Virginia Hospital and Health care Association PricePoint Website. It showed that Carilion’s prices are comparable to surrounding hospitals and are generally lower than its closest competitor, Lewis-Gale Medical center in neighboring Salem, Virginia. To support their position on pricing,Carilion stated “Medical care in hospitals is more expensive … having staff and technology at the ready has its costs. Also mentioned was Carilion’s Lifeguard helicopter, which is subsidized service. Carilion provided $42 million in charity care in 2007 and an additional $25 million in free care (bad debt written off), thus illustrating its dedication and support of its service area. Carilion supports research and education substantial resource commitments that add major costs to the organization and provide subsidize services tiot the community.

   In explaining the policy to sue patients, Carilion stated that efforts are made to qualify patients for public programs, as needed. Further, Carilion said only “a small fraction of the nearly 2 million” patient billings each year go to court.

   Court filings are a final resort, and we try to be flexible. If the judgement includes a lien on an individual’s property, we do not foreclose on the lien. The lien is satisfied if and when the property is sold.

In response to concerns about its internal referral practice, Carilion stated that referrals are sent from physician to physician in the system with the intention of sending patients to better, more-qualified physicians who have earned the referral. The “earn, not force” mentality contributes to the goal of well-coordinated care and service, which is the first choice of patients.

Carilion’s press release closed by describing a wasteful and poorly organized U.S. healthcare system that is hoped to improve with the vertically integrated clinic model of providing care. The hope is that comprehensive, high quality, and cost-effective care will put the patient first. The reader of the press release is reminded that what happened at Mayo could be replicated at Carilion.

CURRENT SITUATION IN ROANOKE

As noted, Carilion Clinic has a medical school partnership, an expanding physician practice with a robust specialty list, and its own accountable care organization, which continues to show progress and increased membership.

Three decades after the hospital merger controversy began in Roanoke, Virginia, the economic and healthcare environments have changed, the population is increasing, and healthcare costs are rising. When the antitrust case was brought in 1988, Roanoke had among the lowest health insurance premiums in Virginia; now, they are among the highest.

Discussion questions to be answered

1) Identify the problems Carilion Clinic faces as it seeks to become a comprehensive, vertically integrated healthcare provider.

2) Briefly explain the summary of the case

3) Identify the most important factors/facts of the Case study

4) Explain the critical issues that is the most important health administration problem/issue to be solved and if applicable, identified secondary problems.

5) Identify the recommended solution of the case. At least three realistic alternative solutions.

6) Identify the relevant concepts and tools for example, methods, techniques, principles,theories, and or models.

In: Psychology

Case F: Controlling Performance Management Jacob Victory 1. What is your interpretation of what happened in...

Case F: Controlling Performance Management Jacob Victory

1. What is your interpretation of what happened in this case? Assume for the moment that Josh was successful at improving performance and that this was why he was being transferred.

The New Vice President
“He is not a nurse,” smirked the pediatric nurse director. “He’s going to be a piece of cake,” mocked the other with mischief
gleaming in her eye. They were referring to Josh Webber, their new boss who was starting
that morning as the new vice president of the pediatric division. Josh was not new to the organization. He was a young and eager executive and had paid his dues working for five years as the right hand of the Visiting Nurse Service of America’s (VNSA) president and CEO. Thereafter, he was promoted to operations director of the organization’s highly profitable rehabilitation ser- vices division and then promoted to director of performance management, where he worked for more than a year with the pediatric division’s administra- tor and her team to improve the division’s business and clinical performance.
Josh, holding a box of files and walking confidently with his polished shoes tip-tapping on the tiles outside of his new administrative suite’s en- trance, had heard the exchange between the nurse directors. The comment struck Josh as odd because the two directors had worked closely with him over the last year and recent improvements in the division’s operational per- formance had been highly praised by VNSA leadership.
“Time to don your game face, Josh!” he thought to himself. Sighing gently, Josh put on a toothy grin, turned the corner and greeted the two di- rectors enthusiastically as he entered the suite. The nurse directors didn’t miss a beat and greeted Josh with a warm, “Welcome aboard, Josh!”
The Maternal and Pediatric Service Line
The maternal and pediatric service line was only one part of the VNSA, the nation’s largest for-profit home health agency.
Under the current CEO’s tenure, the VNSA had become a national home care agency. It employed 30,000 nurses, rehabilitation therapists, social workers, and home health aides, and served almost 500,000 patients in six states annually. The agency earned a healthy margin on its annual $5 bil- lion revenue base and, with a conservative management team at its helm, the VNSA was only geared to become bigger and more influential in enforcing federal long-term healthcare policy. Its many divisions and programs focused primarily on the home-bound frail elderly, especially those in the long-term care population who made up the Medicare, Medicaid, and dually eligible marketplace. At an annual growth rate of 8 to 10 percent, the VNSA was a force in the market, offering short-term, skilled nursing and professional services via its adult, pediatric, community mental health, long-term care, rehabilitation therapy, and palliative and hospice programs. It also operated a lucrative managed care company that offered myriad managed care plans to a large market base of elderly and long-term care patients; more than 200,000 members were covered under these plans.
Yet, while the organization’s primary focus was on long-term care and the geriatric population, the agency’s roots had been laid by its maternal and pediatric division, VNSA’s first program, which had been founded more than 170 years ago. Now composed of ten pediatric programs, the division annually served more than 35,000 mothers, newborns, and children via numerous programs that focused on short-term skilled care, pediatric care management, and evidence-based preventive services and family-focused programs. Deemed the largest organization of its kind in the nation, VNSA’s stated mission was to serve the most vulnerable populations, especially those who lacked access to healthcare. Almost 90 percent of the patients served lived below the poverty line and were insured by Medicaid or enrolled in Medicaid managed care plans. Most of these patients had complex illnesses and, more often than not, came from socioeconomically compromised environments. A typical patient profile included a 15-year-old mother with C-section wound care complications; a two-month-old boy with a brain tumor who recently had his left arm amputated; a 14-year-old girl with the mental capacity of a 3-year-old experiencing severe cardiac and respiratory complications and multiple rehospitalizations—and the list continued on for thousands of similar patients. VNSA’s charitable care and community benefit programs were a hallmark of its mission, and the maternal and pediatric service line was at the mission’s core.
With annual revenues of $50 million, the pediatric division was histori- cally under-reimbursed and had a loss of $18 million every year. Seven of its ten programs were grant-funded, and two were funded by VNSA’s board of directors’ Charitable Care Benefit Fund. The program that relied on tradi- tional insurance mechanisms for reimbursement was responsible for nearly all of the division’s deficit.
Despite the annual losses, the VNSA board of directors considered this division untouchable. A subset of VNSA board members and community pediatricians also composed the pediatric division’s advisory board, and these individuals and the division’s chair—a full board member and an influential member of society—were key fixtures with respect to their commitment, sup- port, and advocacy for the maternal and pediatric services the division pro- vided to the communities it served. From a branding perspective, VNSA’s executive management shared in the board’s view and actively used the ma- ternal and pediatric division in the agency’s public relations efforts to market the company as one that focused on community benefit, despite its for-profit status. Moreover, the division was the lead recipient of VNSA’s philanthropic endeavors. Millions of dollars were raised for the program, but not enough to reduce the deficit. Yet because VNSA was a highly disciplined agency in which most of its business leaders annually exceeded their business and clini- cal targets, the pediatric division stuck out like a sore thumb. In internal man- agement meetings, executive leadership notably demanded that the division’s management minimize its financial deficit and had directed a harsh eye and even harsher commentary toward the division because it had not historically met its budgeted business targets. Its clinical outcomes were average at best, although its customer satisfaction ratings were consistently among the high- est of all programs in the agency.
Not surprisingly, the administrators of the pediatric division turned over frequently. In the last six years, there had been four vice presidents be- cause the burnout rate was high. Other issues stemmed from a lack of insti- tutional support in providing the division with adequate business oversight. The program directors in the division were either nurses or social workers who had been promoted up the ladder; these directors maintained the per- spective of frontline clinicians, and focused primarily on ensuring that the sick children were served. Being labeled a “community benefit” program (a euphemism for “a program that makes no money”) and watching their se- nior leaders leave because they were “routinely beat up on at meetings,” as one nurse director put it, made the program’s leaders wary of every new vice president who was brought in to lead the division. “How long will this one last?” was a frequent question.
Josh was wondering the same thing.
Who Is on Deck?
Six pairs of eyes stared at Josh. All six of his direct reports sat in front of him, one next to another. “Welcome to Josh’s Leadership Assimilation,” said the regional head of VNSA’s organizational development (OD) human resources division. “In the next three hours you will learn about Josh, his management style, his goals, and his objectives for the next year,” he continued. Standing in front of the room, Josh stared back and, being a visual person, thought that he was “looking at the living and breathing version of the division’s organization chart.”
The next three hours were eye-opening. The OD representative had asked the group to describe Josh. Words such as young, a man, articulate, competitive, takes-no-prisoner type, poised, ambitious, seemingly courteous, soft-spoken, deep thinker, all-business were only some of the terms used. Then the group was asked what they wanted to know from Josh. Most wanted to know
•   how “hands-on” he planned to be in managing their divisions,

•   how available he wanted them to be when he needed them,

•   how he was going to manage a group of clinicians when he had no
clinical training, and

•   how and why he obtained his current promotion.
Only two in the group genuinely wanted to know how he was going to help them perform better, while the other four scoffed. Lorann Stutters, a director who ran two disease-based programs for adolescents, blatantly asked, “We know you’ve been brought here to ‘fix’ this division; how long do you plan to spend here before you position yourself for your next job?”
Did she really just say that? Josh thought to himself. He endured three hours of people venting about the history of the program; of questions about his intentions for the business; of sly glances that questioned his every answer; and of probing questions that had more venom than substance. Only two of the directors remained mostly quiet and asked thoughtful questions about the strategic positioning of the division.
After the meeting, Lucas Red, the OD representative leading the meet- ing, gave Josh a piece of paper that listed the five key impressions the directors had of Josh; this information had been collected prior to the meeting.
1. Josh is a male under 35 years of age, but he looks like he just turned 20. 2. Josh is too ambitious. 3. Josh knows how to present a complex idea in a simple, succinct way. He
is a good public speaker. 4. Josh is the “golden boy,” having served as the CEO’s special assistant. It
is obvious how he got this promotion. 5. Josh is a nonclinician; how can he possibly understand patient care issues?
“This is going to be a fun ride, Josh,” he said to himself, trying to nurse his bruised ego. Josh walked back to his office, sat down, and started to draw an organizational chart.

In: Operations Management

NATIONAL FARM AND GARDEN, INC., BACKGROUND (Everyone reads.) National Farm and Garden, Inc. (NFG) was incorporated...

NATIONAL FARM AND GARDEN, INC., BACKGROUND

(Everyone reads.)

National Farm and Garden, Inc. (NFG) was incorporated in Nebraska in 1935 and has been a leading supplier of farming equipment for more than sixty years. Over the last five years, however, demand for NFG’s flagship product, the Ultra Tiller, has been declining. To make matters worse, NFG’s market lead was overtaken by the competition for the first time two years ago.

Last year, NFG expanded its product line with the Turbo Tiller, a highly advertised and much anticipated upgrade to the Ultra Tiller. The product launch was timed to coincide with last year’s fall tilling season. Due to the timing of the release, the research and development process was shortened, and the manufacturing department was pressed to produce high numbers to meet anticipated demand. All responsible divisions approved the product launch and schedule. In order to release the product as scheduled, however, the manufacturing department was forced to employ the safety shield design from the Ultra Tiller. When attached, the shield protects the user from the tilling blades; however, it is necessary to remove the shield in order to clean the product. Because of differences between the Ultra and Turbo models, the Turbo’s shield is very difficult to reattach after cleaning and the process requires specialized tools. Owners can have the supplier make modifications on site or at the sales location, or they can leave the shield off and continue operation. All product documentation warns against operating the tiller without the shield, and the product itself has three distinct warning labels on it. Modifications are now available that allow for the shield to be removed and replaced quite easily, and these modifications are covered by the factory warranty. However, most owners have elected to operate the Turbo Tiller without the safety shield after its first cleaning.

Over the last year, a number of farm animals (chickens, cats, a dog, and two goats) have been killed by Turbo Tillers being operated without the guard. Two weeks ago, a seven-year-old Nebraska boy riding on the back of an unshielded tiller fell off. When the tiller caught the sleeve of his shirt, his arm was permanently mangled and required amputation. One of the child’s parents owns the local newspaper, which ran a story about the accident on the front page of the local paper the next day. NFG’s CEO has called an emergency meeting with the company’s divisional vice president, director of product development, director of manufacturing, director of sales, and vice president of public relations to discuss the situation and develop a plan of action.

Divisional Vice President

You are the divisional vice president and have been with the company for many years. Historically, you have not been a pushy individual and generally prefer to stay in the background. When there are major decisions to be made or crises to address, you are frequently not available. The CEO recently put you on a sixty-day action plan to improve your division’s output; failure to achieve this plan will result in your termination, even though you are just a few years shy of retirement. Therefore, you now find it necessary to satisfy not only your own objectives, but the CEO’s very high expectations as well. This has caused great turmoil within all divisions because you place increasing pressure on your subordinates.

As the divisional vice president, you are focused on coordinating all departments. You are responsible for output from the sales, manufacturing, and field service engineering departments. The research and development (R&D) department, which must sign off on all new products before they are approved for production, is not under your supervision.

Recently, you received a memorandum from the director of R&D outlining some potential problems with the development and testing of the Turbo Tiller. The memo was copied to you, the director of manufacturing, and the director of sales. You agreed with the director of manufacturing not to share the contents of the memo with your CEO because you felt that bringing this small concern to his attention would cause unnecessary problems for each division. Moreover, the CEO is known for his abrasive personality and has a history of yelling at bearers of bad news.

The CEO has called an all-hands emergency meeting at 7:00 a.m. tomorrow. You are expected to bring all knowledge of this situation with you for discussion and creation of a comprehensive action plan.

Director of Product Development

You are the director of product development. Although you have a master’s degree in mechanical engineering from Stanford University, you are originally from the inner-city area of Chicago, where you grew up in the school of “hard knocks.” From previous experience, you tend to be rather uncompromising about products that are engineered within your organization. Your engineering team has been very successful in the past, and you are quite proud of the many new successful products your department has developed.

You originally fast-tracked the Turbo Tiller product due to constant pressure, particularly from the director of sales. However, on further investigation, you have become concerned about the implementation of the product’s safety shield. Consequently, you recently sent a memorandum to the director of manufacturing, director of sales, and the divisional vice president outlining the fact that consumers could sue National Farm and Garden under the state’s strict liability doctrine, which holds manufacturers, distributors, wholesalers, retailers, and others in the chain of distribution of a defective product liable for the damages caused by the defect, regardless of fault. Moreover, plaintiffs could cite the state’s concept of defect of manufacture when the manufacturer fails to (1) properly assemble a product, (2) properly test a product, and (3) adequately check the quality of the product component parts or materials used in manufacturing. You now believe that NFG has violated all three of these concepts of “defects of manufacture.”

Having received no response to this memo, you are contemplating whether to escalate the issue by going to the CEO. The only reason you have not already done so is the CEO’s historic temper when confronted with negative situations.

The CEO has called an all-hands emergency meeting at 7:00 a.m. tomorrow. You are expected to bring all knowledge of this situation with you for discussion and creation of a comprehensive action plan.

Director of Manufacturing

You are the director of manufacturing. A graduate from the University of Alabama with a B.S. in industrial manufacturing, you have worked for NFG for twenty years. You are required to provide reports to top management on a weekly, monthly, and quarterly basis. Top management creates the exact measures of performance that you provide; although you have a say in what these reports focus on, you often disagree with their exact focus. Your overall performance is evaluated based more on numbers of units produced than on quality. Despite this, you enjoy working for the company. You consider the group like family, and especially appreciate the effort the CEO has made to make you feel valued and supported.

You are aware of the difficulties that the Ultra Tiller guard poses when used on the Turbo Tiller. Due to the Turbo Tiller’s larger size, the guard is nearly impossible to replace after removal. Re-attachment of the shield requires a professional machine shop and additional assistance. However, with your knowledge of statistics, you know that, even without the shield in place, the chances of an animal or a person being injured by the Turbo Tiller are small. Thus, you agreed with the divisional vice president to bury a memo sent by the director of R&D stating related concerns. You both felt that the risks were small enough and that raising these concerns to your superiors would only cause headaches and paperwork. Furthermore, you need to stay on schedule in order to reach your volume goals if you are to earn your bonus.

You have also received several e-mails from the manager of the field service engineering department about reports of farmers operating the Turbo Tiller without the guard. When you requested statistical data regarding the number and location of occurrences and any related accidents, the field service engineering manager replied with field data indicating that more than 85 percent of all Turbo Tillers are eventually operated without the guard.

The CEO has called an all-hands emergency meeting at 7:00 a.m. tomorrow. You are expected to bring all knowledge of this situation with you for discussion and creation of a comprehensive action plan.

Director of Sales

You are the director of sales and have been with NFG for more than ten years. You were recruited from a competing firm and have more than twenty-five years of sales experience in the industry. Because of sagging sales, you face extreme pressure from above to meet your numbers. However, you feel that sales forecasts have been set unrealistically. Furthermore, these aggressive forecasts create churning within your department as your sales staff consistently complains that their quotas are unrealistic. Although you are adamant that declining sales are industry and product offering issues, you are reluctant to raise these concerns to the CEO because of his history of anger directed at messengers bearing bad news. You have witnessed this phenomenon firsthand as the CEO literally screamed at a coworker who brought a problem to his attention. On the other hand, the CEO has promised you a new BMW if your department reaches its numbers this year. Of course, you enthusiastically promised to achieve these results.

The Turbo Tiller has been a much-anticipated addition to your stagnant product portfolio, but you were concerned that it would be delayed due to red tape and wrote daily e-mails to the R&D manager about getting it to market on a timely basis. You have received a memo from the R&D manager about some legal concerns over the Turbo Tiller. However, you feel that these concerns are manufacturing’s problem, not your department’s. Furthermore, because the director of manufacturing received a carbon copy of the memo, you are sure that the concerns will be addressed appropriately.

You have organized training on this product for your sales staff that included proper operating procedures and the dangers of standing within five feet of the tilling blades. In addition to these training sessions, you arranged a separate class on how to address and downplay these concerns with customers.

The CEO has called an all-hands emergency meeting at 7:00 a.m. tomorrow. You are expected to bring all knowledge of this situation with you for discussion and creation of a comprehensive action plan.

Here is the question. please help me to answer this:

1) List the key stakeholders in this scenario.

2) What actions will you take with the family of the injured boy?

3) What actions will you take to move customers from the old tiller to the new version?

4) Are there any other actions you think that should be done?

In: Operations Management

Applied Economics - The Institutional Framework Who the Looting Ruins ‘Seventeen years of work is gone,’...

Applied Economics - The Institutional Framework

Who the Looting Ruins

‘Seventeen years of work is gone,’ said the owner of an Ecuadorean eatery.

By

The Editorial Board

June 4, 2020 7:37 pm ET

Luis Tamay is an immigrant with an Ecuadorean restaurant in Minneapolis. Zola Dias is the black owner of a clothing store in Atlanta. Sam Mabrouk has a denim shop in Columbus, Ohio. They’re only a few of the people whom intellectuals overlook whenever they rationalize rioting or say that property destruction isn’t violence.

“Seventeen years of work is gone,” Mr. Tamay told the Minneapolis Star Tribune after his restaurant, El Sabor Chuchi, burned to the ground. When the rioting began, he stood watch. But last Friday he obeyed curfew, believing that the National Guard would control the streets. Then on Facebook he saw video of his restaurant on fire. He told the newspaper he didn’t have insurance because it was too expensive.

Safia Munye, a Somali immigrant in Minneapolis, opened Mama Safia’s Kitchen in 2018 with money saved for retirement. When the pandemic arrived, NPRreported, she couldn’t afford both insurance and to pay her workers. She did the latter. Now the restaurant is wrecked, but she’s hardly the intended target of George Floyd protesters. “My heart is broken. My mind is broken,” she said. “I know I can’t come back from this. But this can be replaced. George’s life cannot. George’s life was more important.”

In Atlanta, Zola Dias lost more than $100,000 in goods from his clothing store, Attom. “I’m very emotional when I talk about it because I put my soul and life in this business,” he told the Atlanta Business Chronicle. “I just want to tell people to go and vote. That’s the only way to stop it and make a change.”

In San Francisco, Grace Jewelers was ransacked. “I can’t put a dollar estimate on it now,” Paul Zhou, the owner’s husband, told the Chronicle. “My wife is devastated.” In Dallas, Rodolfo Bianchi’s empanada shop was trashed. “It was emotionally heartbreaking to see all of your sweat, blood and tears just shattered,” he said. “It wasn’t anger, I was just broken.”

King’s Fashion in Philadelphia is a burned-out mess. “I don’t know what to do right now,” Helen Woo, a co-owner, told the Journal. “I built it up,” said her husband, Sung. “And it’s gone. My life is gone.” Masum Siddiquee lost about $200,000 of merchandise from his Philly store, MN Fashion and Jewelry. “I have no money right now,” he said.

“I lost everything in one night,” said Sam Mabrouk, counting an estimated $70,000 in product stolen from his clothing shop in Columbus, Ohio. “That was my savings from 11 years of working. That’s what hurts more than anything.” In Milwaukee, Katherine Mahmoud’s cellphone store was looted empty, which she said had nothing to do with what the Floyd protesters are fighting for. “I look just like them,” she told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. “Why?”

Some of these businesses are raising funds to help put the pieces back together. Some might have insurance to cover at least a portion of the losses. But others might not survive, and many companies will go bust quietly, without making the newspapers. Contrast this heartache with the cavalier attitude shown by at least some intellectuals, who seem to think that firebombing a local South American restaurant is merely the persuasive language of the unheard.


OPINION
COMMENTARY
Don’t Call Rioters ‘Protesters’

As in the 1960s, rioters aren’t looking to make a political point. They’re in it for the ‘fun and profit.’

By Barry Latzer

June 4, 2020 1:55 pm ET


Though thousands of demonstrators have taken to the streets of cities across the nation to express their outrage over the death of George Floyd, many hundreds have engaged in mob violence and looting. Mr. Floyd’s tragic death is, for them, a pretext for hooliganism.

We’ve seen this before, back in the bad old days of the late 1960s, when rioting became a near-everyday occurrence. Economists William J. Collins and Robert A. Margotallied an extraordinary 752 riots between 1964 and 1971. These disturbances involved 15,835 incidents of arson and caused 228 deaths, 12,741 injuries and 69,099 arrests. By an objective measure of severity, 130 of the 752 riots were considered “major,” 37 were labeled “massive” in their destructiveness.

At the time, black radicals and some white leftists saw the riots purely as political protest. Tom Hayden, the well-known New Left leader, described the violence as “a new stage in the development of Negro protest against racism, and as a logical outgrowth of the failure of the whole society to support racial equality.”

This analysis ignored the observations of witnesses on the scene. Thousands of rioters in the 1960s and early 1970s engaged in a joyful hooliganism—looting and destroying of property with wild abandon—that had no apparent political meaning. In the Detroit riot of July 1967, one of the era’s most lethal (43 people died in four nightmarish days of turmoil), the early stage of the riot was described by historian Sidney Fine as “a carnival atmosphere,” in which, as reported by a black minister eyewitness, participants exhibited “a gleefulness in throwing stuff and getting stuff out of the buildings.” A young black rioter told a newspaper reporter that he “really enjoyed” himself.

Analysts of urban rioting have identified a “Roman holiday” stage in which youths, in “a state of angry intoxication, taunt the police, burn stores with Molotov cocktails, and set the stage for looting.” This behavior is less political protest than, in Edward Banfield’s epigram of the day, “rioting mainly for fun and profit.” We are seeing some of the same looting and burning today, often treated by the media as mere exuberant protest.

Analyses of the riots that pinned blame on white bias and black victimization buttressed the protest theory. Such explanations received official sanction in the report of the influential National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders established by President Lyndon Johnson in 1967, and headed by Illinois Gov. Otto Kerner. The Kerner Report famously declared that “white racism is essentially responsible for the explosive mixture which has been accumulating in our cities since the end of World War II.” While not explicitly calling the riots a justified revolt by the victims of white racism, the Kerner Report certainly gave that impression.

Today we have the Black Lives Matter movement, which claims that police racism is the heart of the problem and calls for “defunding” police departments. Its apologists ignore the pressing need to protect black lives in communities where armed violent criminals daily threaten law-abiding residents.

A seeming oddity of the disturbances of the late ’60s and early ’70s is that they failed to materialize in many cities. An analysis of 673 municipalities with populations over 25,000 found that 75% of them experienced no riots. Even within riot-torn cities it is estimated that 85% or more of the black population took no part in them. Although they’ve gotten little or no media coverage I expect we will see comparable enclaves of tranquility today.

One possible explanation for why some cities explode with violence and others don’t is contagion theory: the tendency of people to do what their friends are doing. Once the rocks and bottles start flying in a neighborhood, it becomes tempting to join in. Youths, who played a major role in the turbulence, are particularly susceptible to peer influence. Consequently, when teenagers and young men begin rampaging, the situation often quickly escalates. No one wants to miss the party. As more young people join in, what begins as a manageable event can rapidly spiral out of control.

Closely related to the contagion theory is the threshold—or, more popularly, the “tipping point”—hypothesis. Once a certain number of rioters have become engaged, this view holds, those who had preferred to stay on the sidelines will be motivated to jump in. While imitation plays its part here too, the size of the event in itself becomes the crucial determinant of the ultimate magnitude of the riot.

Of course, a peaceful situation can quickly descend into mayhem in the presence of provocateurs. Back in the ’60s, a new generation of young black militants, such as Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap Brown, traveled around the country making incendiary speeches, unabashedly endorsing black revolution. Today we have antifa and various anarchist groups using social media and encrypted messages to organize the violence effectively but anonymously.

Certainly, there are those who honestly believe that America’s police are racist and in need of fundamental reforms. They are mistaken, but they should have ample opportunity to express their views peacefully. There should be no confusing such protesters, however, with looters, arsonists and those who would kill police officers. They deserve a different name: criminals.

Mr. Latzer is a professor emeritus at New York’s John Jay College of Criminal Justice and author of “The Rise and Fall of Violent Crime in America.”

Discuss the opportunity costs

In: Economics

Coca-Cola 2.1. Coca-Cola’s profile Coca-Cola started its business in 1886 as a local soda producer in...


Coca-Cola
2.1. Coca-Cola’s profile
Coca-Cola started its business in 1886 as a local soda producer in Atlanta, Georgia (US) selling about nine beverages per day. By the 1920s, the company had begun expanding internationally, selling its products first in the Caribbean and Canadian markets and then moving in consecutive decades to Asia, Europe, South America and the Soviet Union. By the end of the 20th century, the company was selling its products in almost every country in the world. In 2005 it became the largest manufacturer, distributor and marketer of non-alcoholic beverages and syrups in the world. Coca-Cola is a publicly-held company listed on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE).
2.2. Coca-Cola’s CSR policies and reporting
In 2007 Coca-Cola launched its sustainability framework Live Positively embedded in the system at all levels, from production and packaging to distribution. The company’s CSR policy Live Positively establishes seven core areas where the company sets itself measurable goals to
improve the business’ sustainability practices. The core areas are beverage benefits, active healthy living, the community, energy and climate, sustainable packaging, water stewardship and the workplace.
Coca-Cola has a Code of Business Conduct which aims at providing guidelines to its employees on –amongst other things – competition issues and anti-corruption. The company has adopted international CSR guidelines such as Global Compact and Ruggie’s Protect, Respect and Remedy Framework (Ruggie’s Framework), but these guidelines do not seem to be integrated into the Code of Business. However, these CSR initiatives are included in other activities or policies of the company. For instance, the UN Global Compact principles are cross- referenced in the company’s annual Sustainability Reviews and Ruggie’s Framework is partly adopted in the company’s ‘Human Right Statement’. After the conflict in India, in 2007 Coca- Cola formed a partnership with the World Wildlife Fund (WWF)21 and became a member of the CEO Water Mandate, as water is one of the company’s main concerns.
Every year Coca-Cola publishes a directors’ report denominated ‘The Coca-Cola Company Annual Report’; the last one was published in March 2011 and comprises the company’s activities during 2010.22 In this report there is a small section dedicated to CSR and it includes a brief description of the initiatives in community development and water preservation that the company has developed. Since 2001, Coca-Cola also annually publishes a separate report devoted to CSR called ‘The Coca-Cola Company Sustainability Review’. These reviews, which are published every two years, are verified and assured by a third party, the sustainability rating firm FIRA Sustainability Ltd. This verification provides ‘moderate assurance’ on the reliability of the information reported by Coca-Cola. Both reports – the annual company review and the sustainability reports – are elaborated based on the GRI G3 guidelines, which were adopted by the company in 2001. Due to its relevance to Coca-Cola’s business, the company also annually reports on the progress of the water stewardship programme’s targets.
2.3. Coca-Cola’s conflicts
Several campaigns and demonstrations followed the publication of a report issued by the Indian NGO Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) in 2003. The report provided evidence of the presence of pesticides, to a level exceeding European standards, in a sample of a dozen Coca- Cola and PepsiCo beverages sold in India. With that evidence at hand, the CSE called on the Indian government to implement legally enforceable water standards. The report gained ample public and media attention, resulting in almost immediate effects on Coca-Cola revenues.
The main allegations made by the NGO against Coca-Cola were that it sold products containing unacceptable levels of pesticides, it extracted large amounts of groundwater and it had polluted water sources. These conflicts will be discussed under 2.3.1 and 2.3.2.
2.3.1. The presence of pesticides
Regarding the allegation about Coca-Cola beverages containing high levels of pesticide residues, the Indian government undertook various investigations. The government set up a Joint Committee to carry out its own tests on the beverages. The tests also found the presence of pesticides that failed to meet European standards, but they were still considered safe under local standards. Therefore, it was concluded that Coca-Cola had not violated any national laws. However, the Indian government acknowledged the need to adopt appropriate and enforceable standards for carbonated beverages.
In 2006, after almost three years of ongoing allegations, the CSE published its second test on Coca-Cola drinks, also resulting in a high content of pesticide residues (24 times higher than European Union standards, which were proposed by the Bureau of Indian Standards to be implemented in India as well). CSE published this test to prove that nothing had changed, alleging that the stricter standards for carbonated drinks and other beverages had either been

lost in committees or blocked by powerful interests in the government. Finally, in 2008 an independent study undertaken by The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI) ended the long- standing allegations by concluding that the water used in Coca-Cola in India is free of pesticides. However, because the institute did not test the final product, other ingredients could have contained pesticides.
2.3.2. Water pollution and the over-extraction of groundwater.
Coca-Cola was also accused of causing water shortages in – among other areas – the community of Plachimada in Kerala, southern India. In addition, Coca-Cola was accused of water pollution by discharging wastewater into fields and rivers surrounding Coca-Cola’s plants in the same community. Groundwater and soil were polluted to an extent that Indian public health authorities saw the need to post signs around wells and hand pumps advising the community that the water was unfit for human consumption.
In 2000, the company established its production operations in Plachimada. Local people claimed that they started experiencing water scarcity soon after the operations began. The state government initiated proceedings against Coca-Cola in 2003, and soon after that the High Court of Kerala prohibited Coca-Cola from over-extracting groundwater. By 2004 the company had suspended its production operations, while it attempted to renew its licence to operate. Coca- Cola argued that patterns of decreasing rainfall were the main cause of the draught conditions experienced in the area. After a long judicial procedure and ongoing demonstrations, the company succeeded in obtaining the licence renewal to resume its operations. In 2006 Coca- Cola’s successful re-establishment of operations was reversed when the government of Kerala banned the manufacture and sale of Coca-Cola products in Kerala on the ground that it was unsafe due to its high content of pesticides. However, the ban did not last for long and later that same year the High Court of India overturned Kerala’s Court decision. More recently, in March 2010, a state government panel recommended fining Coca-Cola’s Indian subsidiary a total of $47 million because of the damage caused to the water and soil in Kerala. Also, a special committee in charge of looking into claims by community members affected by the water pollution was set up.
The long legal procedures against the Indian government that Coca-Cola had to face were not the only consequence of the conflict. The brand suffered a great loss of consumer trust and reputational damage in India and abroad. In India there was an overall sales drop of 40% within two weeks after the release of the 2003 CSE report. The impact in annual sales was a decline of 15% in overall sales in 2003– in comparison to prior annual growth rates of 25-30%. This highly publicised conflict in India also caught the attention of consumers in the US. After a series of demonstrations by students who joined two activist groups in the US, ten American universities temporarily stopped selling Coca-Cola products at their campus facilities.
2.4. Coca-Cola’s CSR policies post-conflicts
Two years before the water conflict in India in 2003, Coca-Cola adopted the GRI Guidelines and started reporting on sustainability. By 2003, the company had already experienced a few CSR- related conflicts in other parts of the world. However, none of them had the grave consequence of a loss of trust in the company and its products by consumers and the public in general.
According to Pirson and Malhotra, the main reason why this controversy ended so badly for Coca-Cola lies in its response to the problem. Coca-Cola denied having produced beverages containing Elevated levels of pesticides, as well as having over-exploited and polluted water resources. By denying all claims and trying to prove its integrity, instead of demonstrating concern towards the situation, Coca-Cola failed to regain consumers’ trust. The Indian population viewed Coca-Cola as a corporate villain who cared more about profits than public

health. In comparison, previous conflicts experienced by the company in the US and Belgium were better handled because it included stakeholder engagement in its strategy.
It appears that the company became aware of its mistake after the controversy had been ongoing for a couple of years. In 2008 Jeff Seabright, Coca-Cola’s vice president of environment and water resources, recognized that the company had not adequately handled the controversy. He acknowledged that local communities’ perception of their operation matters, and that for the company ‘(...) having goodwill in the community is an important thing’.
Although Coca-Cola still denies most of the allegations, the reputational damage experienced after the controversy in India pushed Coca-Cola to take damage-control measures. Those measures at first consisted of statements to confirm Coca-Cola’s integrity. For example, Coca-Cola dedicated a page in the Corporate Responsibility Review of 2006 to address the controversy. The statement consisted mainly of providing information supporting its good practices and water management of its operations in India. But this statement did little to combat the declining sales and increasing losses exceeding investments. Coca-Cola gradually changed its strategy to include damage-control measures that addressed the Indian communities’ grievances. In 2008 the company published its first environmental performance report on operations in India, which covered activities from 2004 to 2007.53 It also created the Coca-Cola India Foundation, Anandana, which works with local communities and NGOs to address local water problems. But perhaps the most outstanding change of strategy by Coca-Cola consisted of launching various community water projects in India. An example is the rainwater harvesting project, where Coca-Cola’s operations partnered with the Central Ground Water Authority, the State Ground Water Boards, NGOs and communities to address water scarcity and depleting groundwater levels through rainwater harvesting techniques across 17 states in India. These techniques consist mainly of collecting and storing rainwater while preventing its evaporation and runoff for its efficient utilisation and conservation. The idea behind this is to capture large quantities of good quality water that could otherwise go to waste. By returning to the ecosystem the water used in its operations in India through water harvesting, the company expected that this project could eventually turn the company into a ‘net zero’ user of groundwater by 2009.55 In the 2012 Water Stewardship and Replenish Report, Coca-Cola stated that its operations in India have ‘achieved full balance between groundwater used in beverage production and that replenished to nature and communities – ahead of the global target’.
It appears that the controversy in India was a learning experience for the company, and that it motivated the company to adopt a more proactive CSR policy on a global scale that focuses on water management. In June 2007, Coca-Cola implemented a water stewardship programme and committed itself to reduce its operational water footprint and to offset the water used in the Company’s products through locally relevant projects. To achieve those commitments Coca-Cola established three measurable objectives:
(1) Reducing water use by improving water efficiency by 20% over 2004 levels by 2012. The latest data available from 2010 shows a 16% improvement over the 2004 baseline.
(2) Recycling water through wastewater treatment and returning all water used in manufacturing processes to the environment at a level that supports aquatic life and agriculture by the end of 2010. By September 2011, the progress observed concerning this target was 96%.59
(3) Replenishing water used by offsetting the litres of water used in finished beverages by 2020 through local projects that support communities and nature (i.e. watershed protection and rainwater harvesting). Currently, Coca-Cola reports that it holds a global portfolio of 386 community water partnerships or community-based replenish projects. By 2011, about 35% of the water used in finished beverages was replenished.
It is noteworthy that Coca-Cola publishes, in addition and separate to the sustainability reports, an annual water report. In these reports the company publishes assessments of and the

progress in its water initiatives. Some of the assessments are made by the Global Environment & Technology Foundation, an American NGO experienced in facilitating the creation of public- private partnerships.
Also, in 2007, Coca-Cola entered into a partnership with WWF. Its core objectives are increasing understanding on watersheds and water cycles to improve Coca-Cola’s water usage, working with local communities in various locations worldwide, and developing a common framework to preserve water sources. Finally, and also in the same year, the company became a member of the public-private initiative CEO Water Mandate, which is a public-private initiative that assists companies in the development, implementation and disclosure of water sustainability policies and practices.
ELEMENTS TO BE ADDRESSED
-Sustainability
-Accountability
-Transparency
QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED
-What are the principles od CSR involved in this case?
-What are the environmental issues and their effects and implications? -Should CSR be a voluntary Activity?
-What is the relation between CSR and profit?

In: Economics