WRITE AN APPROPRIATE CONCLUSION TO COMPLETE THE ESSAY BELOW.
The world is currently faced with a global pandemic of the novel Coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19) which quickly spread to many countries of the world. Measures were enforced in each country to stop the spread of the virus. One of the measures taken was the abrupt closure of all schools which led schools to explore online teaching methods to continue learning among its students. Several categories of online teaching methods were used, chosen based on the topic, the target students, the requirements of the Ministry of Education and the demands of the users. Online learning methods can mimic actual classrooms, with required attendance at specific times, can be self-paced, or blended, and use a variety of tools to engage students and support learning. Asynchronous, Synchronous and Hybrid online learning are three categories of online teaching methods.
Asynchronous online learning is one category of an online teaching method. It is used to describe types of learning and education that do not happen in the same place or time. This is important because digital and online teaching platforms allow students to access learning materials prepared by teachers at a time convenient to them. Students and teachers can interact continuously through online forums. Examples of asynchronous learning are emails, blogs, online discussion board and game-based activities. According to Keith Bachman, “in times where small instructor-led classrooms tend to be the exception, electronic learning solutions can offer more collaboration and interaction with experts and peers, as well as a higher success rather than the live alternative”.
Synchronous learning is another type of online teaching method. This is live online learning from various places with many learners. Here an instructor teaches virtually not physically. One of the most important advantages of synchronous learning is that it would provide a better classroom environment because of the variety of media used for the personal contact. Since students of this age are very tech savvy it becomes very easy for them to adopt to the classes using their own devices. Secondly, it helps the students learn at their own pace, time and distance is also not an issue. This would mean that time and space are overcome with the help of technology. Thirdly, they also have a variety of materials which would suit the learning style and speed of the learners. However, the disadvantage is that there is a rigid schedule which one cannot break or miss. This would make people more stressed if it is accompanied by technical difficulties. Nevertheless, synchronous learning has changed the face of learning amidst the pandemic.
Finally, another class of the online teaching method involves hybrid online learning. Hybrid online course includes a combination of the asynchronous and synchronous learning systems. The goal of the hybrid teaching method is to combine the best elements of online teaching and teaching traditionally to give the best experience of learning. Students would be required to meet face to face and have classes online, due to the CoronaVirus disease persons will be assigned by the Lecturer to meet in small groups and a face to face class will be given on a specific day. According to PennState, research and effective practice has shown that this teaching method gives students the opportunity to learn class work before and after it was taught, leaving powerpoint presentations and providing readings online can ensure this.(PennState University, n.d)Students who don't understand what was taught in class can go back and look at previous which is a major help. This method is flexible and allows both students and teachers to balance their work, social life and other activities a lot better.
In: Psychology
The Limits of Redistribution and the Impossibility of Egalitarian Ends
By JEREMY JACKSON AND JEFFREY PALM
ABSTRACT
One of the many dangers of the modern egalitarian philosophy is
that it hides its true
objectives behind the guise of social justice. Adherents would
insist that they reject the
materialistic values of their free-market foes. However, not far
below the surface
commitment to relational equality and disruption of social
hierarchy lies their true motive:
material equality. The modern egalitarian is shifting from a focus
on equality of relationships
to a focus on equality in quality of life and more comprehensive
measures of well-being
(Arneson 2000). Whether the egalitarian desires to create policies
that lead to equality in
distribution of wealth or to equality in well-being, it does not
matter. Both are impossible
ends. Inequalities in wealth and well-being are due in part to
inequalities in the distribution of
social capital, which can be neither removed nor transferred from
one individual to another.
Thus, inequalities in wealth and well-being are the inevitable
result of a system reliant on
humans autonomously making decisions.
Page 9 of 21
The Origins of Egalitarianism
1. Egalitarianism as an academic school of thought did not
actually begin to concretize
until the post–World War II era, although certain basic ideas go
back as far as biblical
times (equality of souls but not “earthly” equality) (Anderson
2014). Many of
egalitarianism’s roots are traceable to a particular understanding
of the philosophy of
altruism: the idea that a person has but two options in life—to
sacrifice one’s self in the
service of others or to sacrifice others in the service of one’s
self (Kelley 1991, 2009).
From this understanding of altruism, egalitarians derive a
fundamental
misunderstanding of “the zero-sum game.” Because they mistakenly
think of all goods
and services as slices of a (finite) pie, they deduce that for one
person to gain, another
must lose. From this either–or conception of altruism,
egalitarianism concludes that the
only moral thing to do is to sacrifice one’s self in the service of
others (Kelley 1991).
2. Karl Marx himself was no egalitarian, yet many of his ideas
have helped to shape
modern egalitarianism. His focus on conflict and the exploitation
of the subjugated
worker, derived from his misconceptions of the labour market and
the means of
production, contributed to the mid- to late-nineteenth-century push
for a shorter
workday and higher wages (Anderson 2014). This push then fed into
Otto von
Bismarck’s creation of the first modern welfare state in Germany in
an effort to combat
Marx’s more revolutionary socialism. Anthony P. Mueller states that
“social policy was
foremost national policy and the social security system was
primarily an instrument to
lure the workers away from private and communitarian systems into
the arms of the
State” (2003).
3. By the early 1940s, which saw the publication of the
Beveridge Report in the United
Kingdom in 1942 and Franklin Roosevelt’s suggestion of the “Second
Bill of Rights” in
1944, contemporary crystallization and acceptance of the principles
of “distributive
justice” had taken place (Roosevelt 1944; Anderson 2014; “The
Welfare State” 2016).
4. Philosopher John Rawls, another one of egalitarianism’s most
prominent historical
standard bearers, was himself not strictly an egalitarian. However,
his seminal work, A
Theory of Justice (1971), is counted among the most foundational of
contributions. In
this volume, Rawls explains his most influential concept, the
“difference principle,”
which “gives expression to the idea that natural endowments are
undeserved” (Wenar
2012). Rawls felt (as do the so-called luck egalitarians) that just
because a person is
more intelligent or a naturally gifted musician or better looking
or raised with better
values, or something else, it does not entitle him or her to be
better off than others. To
Rawls, being more successful than others by using one’s natural
endowments (or by
any other means) can be justified only if people who are worse off
are made better off
because of that success.
5. On the face of it and according to their own descriptions,
egalitarians have differing
ideas with respect to defining the concepts “justice” and
“equality.” However, all
schools of egalitarian thought lead to the same ultimate goal:
distribution. Most
egalitarians do not actually advocate equality of outcomes because
most realize that a
rigid insistence on the tall being made short or the intelligent
being made less so would
lead to disastrous consequences. What they want is what they
consider to be “fair”
distribution (Kelley 1991). So their basic notions of equality
hinge on whether
distribution is just or in the case of relational egalitarianism
that societal relationships
are just. However, before discussing the two broad categories of
luck egalitarianism
Page 10 of 21
and relational egalitarianism, we must say a few more words
regarding the concept of
justice.
6. To many libertarians and classical liberals, the claim that a
free market, an impersonal
mechanism governed by the laws of nature, is either just or unjust
is absurd. This
claim is evidence of a complete misunderstanding of how the market
functions. As
Hayek aptly points out, such claims amount to nothing other than
anthropomorphism
(1998, 62, 75).
7. However, those who advocate free markets certainly cannot
claim to have ever
actually seen them. Much of the egalitarians’ perceptions of
injustice are the symptoms
of the very root causes that such advocates devote the bulk of
their work to exposing,
refuting, and denouncing. This feature of the justice problem is
twofold: on the one
hand, egalitarianism incorrectly concludes that the corruption
observed is simply the
way free market capitalism works; on the other hand, some market
advocates
inadvertently defend the corruption as though it were free-market
capitalism. It is
imperative to acknowledge that which is correctly perceived as
unjust as such and
simultaneously to point to its being but a symptom of corruption
that is rooted in
government intervention in the market. It must always be stressed
that this corruption
is not a product of free-market capitalism because it then becomes
possible to
illustrate the clear distinction between calls for justice that are
grounded in reality and
those that are founded on anthropomorphism.
8. Unfortunately, this distinction does not usually carry much
weight in the view of the
egalitarian, who frequently finds it completely irrelevant. As
David Kelley (1991) points
out, every form of “social justice” rests on the belief that
individual ability is a social
asset, a collective good. John Rawls wrote, “Injustice, then, is
simply inequalities that
are not to the benefit of all” (1972, 62). On this point, Rawls and
Hayek tend to agree.
“The most common attempts to give meaning to the concept of ‘social
justice,’” states
Hayek, “resort to egalitarian considerations and argue that every
departure from
equality of material benefits enjoyed has to be justified by some
recognizable common
interest which these differences serve” (1998, 80).
9. Luck egalitarianism—what Murray Rothbard (1995) refers to as
“old” or “classical”
egalitarianism—is more overtly concerned with distribution of
income and wealth. It
holds that no one should have to be worse off just because they
were born into
unfortunate circumstance or were the victim of a natural disaster
or made a mistake in
business or are unintelligent or something else. Rothbard terms
this egalitarianism
“old” because modern-day egalitarians have realized the limitations
of using the mere
poverty of individuals as moral leverage for their demands for
justice.
10. Relational egalitarianism (sometimes referred to as
“democratic egalitarianism”) has
been discovered to be a much more effective means of moral
intimidation when it
comes to insisting that justice be done. Rothbard (1995) terms this
viewpoint “new
group egalitarianism.” The significance of the “group” distinction
will become clear as
we delve a bit deeper into its meanings.
11. The new-group egalitarians are concerned primarily with
social hierarchies—
specifically, domination and subjection, honour and stigmatization,
and high and low
standing in the eyes and calculations of others (calculations as in
government policy,
for example) (Anderson 2014). However, one must always remember
that these
Page 11 of 21
egalitarians employ this technique to rationalize, justify, and
affect their ultimate goal of
distribution. Sometimes they assert that just distribution is what
is necessary in order
to bring about just social relationships. At other times, they
assert that policies to affect
just social relationships are necessary to bring about just
distribution. Whether the cart
comes before or behind the horse makes little difference; the end
result is always
governmental use of violence, coercion, and central planning to
affect distribution (of
other people’s money) (Rothbard 1995).
12. Groups such as ethnic minorities, genders, laborers, elders,
the young, and virtually
any other group conceivable conveniently fit into one or more of
the social hierarchies
listed earlier (Rothbard 1995). New groups are readily added to the
seemingly endless
list whenever anybody says the magic word injustice, and anyone who
would oppose
(re)distribution to one of these groups must be considered an
oppressor. Rothbard
sums it up nicely by paraphrasing Joseph Sobran: “[I]n the current
lexicon, ‘need’ is
the desire of people to loot the wealth of others; ‘greed’ is the
desire of those others to
keep the money they have earned; and ‘compassion’ is the function
of those who
negotiate the transfer” (1995, 53). The insidiousness of relational
egalitarianism lies in
its approach to distribution. Egalitarians have erroneously
concluded that the cause of
economic difficulties is rooted in the unjust social hierarchies.
Therefore, it follows
(they conclude) that in order to affect just distribution, they
must design a system that
eliminates the unjust social hierarchies (Sowell 2005, 249–66).
13. Although unjust social relationships certainly cause an
incalculable amount of (often
catastrophic) damage, the currently fashionable notion that these
relationships are the
root causes of economic difficulties rather than the other way
around is incorrect
(Sowell 2005; Williams 2011). Economic difficulties can always be
shown to be the
ultimate root causes of the unjust social hierarchies or
relationships. They arise as
resentment for being treated unjustly, as rationalization or
justification for treating (or
having treated) others unjustly, as a means of securing the ability
to treat others
unjustly in the future, and so on. Upon observing social
injustices, we should ask
ourselves what motives the perpetrators might have for their unjust
conduct. The
origins of the injustice are never arbitrary. They are economic.
They may be
completely immoral and thoroughly unjust, but the fact remains that
they exist because
the perpetrators hope to derive some benefit from them (Williams
2011).
Sources of Inequality
14. Regardless of its rhetoric, at its core egalitarianism has
as its main goal the elimination
of wealth inequality. It has been argued (Piketty 2014) that wealth
inequality itself
comes from one primary source: capital. Yet capital itself can be
placed into many
categories. Physical capital includes the factories, buildings,
computers, land, and
infrastructure that are ultimately used as the inputs to
production. Human capital
comes from the knowledge and creativity possessed by human beings
that gives them
the capability to contribute to production. Commonly overlooked but
increasingly
recognized as important is the concept of social capital, which
refers to the “trust and
norms of civic cooperation . . . essential to well-functioning
societies” (Knack and
Keefer 1997, 1283). To the extent that wealth can be taxed and
redistributed, the
egalitarian would argue that the desired end of equality of
distribution is achievable.
15. Physical capital and the income stream it produces can be
taxed from one individual
and transferred to another. Thus, egalitarians conclude that any
wealth inequalities
Page 12 of 21
perpetrated by differences in the distribution of physical capital
ownership can be
remedied by the well-intentioned taxing powers. To this end,
proposals have
advocated a sweeping global tax on wealth (Piketty 2014) and
expansion of the estate
tax (Caron and Repetti 2013). However, taxation and redistribution
of wealth will be
able to produce sustained equality in wealth only under a limited
set of circumstances.
A wealth tax can be effective if the only sources of wealth
inequality are inequalities in
the distribution of physical capital. If there are other sources of
wealth inequality, such
redistribution will not be possible with a simple tax system and
will be effective only
under continuous management by a totalitarian regime. “So long as
the belief in ‘social
justice’ governs political action, this process must progressively
approach nearer and
nearer to a totalitarian system” (Hayek 1998, 68).
16. Wealth inequalities caused by differences in the
distribution of human capital are more
difficult yet not impossible for the state to overcome. Although it
isn’t possible to
directly take one person’s human-capital stock and give it to
another, it is possible to
tax the wage income derived from some persons’ human capital in
order to provide
educational opportunities for others (Guvenen, Kuruscu, and Ozkan
2013). However,
an increasing amount of evidence has shown that the labor market
rewards and
punishes certain noncognitive traits, including personality, with
wage differentials
(Heckman 2000; Borghans et al. 2008). An individual’s psychological
traits and
characteristics cannot be instilled in others through mere
education. The family also
plays a significant role in the development of human capital
(Becker and Tomes 1994),
which makes it even more difficult for redistribution to be
effective. Rawls himself
states that the family, with its effects on the development of the
natural capacities, will
ultimately always stand in the way of “equal chances of
achievement,” unless a
solution is found that will “mitigate this fact” (1972, 74; see
also Rockwell 2015).
17. Perhaps most problematic for the egalitarian goal of
equality of distribution are the
differences in wealth and income that are perpetrated by social
capital and networks.
Wage earnings aren’t derived solely from an individual’s human
capital. Douglas North
(1990) argues that informal social norms and culture are critical
to an understanding of
the sources of prosperity. One way that this idea has been
evidenced and measured in
the literature is through the concept of social capital popularized
by the works of
Robert D. Putnam (1995, 2001).
18. Social capital itself has proven difficult to define, with
no one definition being agreed
upon in the literature. Emily Chamlee-Wright defines it as “a
complex structure made
up of community norms, social networks, favours given and received,
potluck suppers,
book groups, church bazaars, and neighbourhood play groups” (2008,
45).
19. Even with the complexities and difficulties in measurement
associated with social
capital, a large empirical literature has shown that social capital
and networks add
significantly to an individual’s labour earnings (Knack and Keefer
1997; Narayan and
Pritchett 1999). Human capital and social capital often function as
substitutes
(Boxman, De Graaf, and Flap 1991). Yet not much is known about the
production of
social capital, unlike physical capital, with its capacity for
direct redistribution, and
human capital, with its capacity for indirect redistribution. We
may in a limited sense be
able to tax some of the labour returns to social capital, but it is
yet unclear how that tax
income can be used for the creation of social capital. Although we
know that there are
great benefits to both the individual and society at large from
social capital and that
societies don’t flourish in its absence, we don’t have a
well-developed theory or policy
Page 13 of 21
on how to create social trust and cohesion. Perhaps the most
obvious policy
recommendations (as evidenced by the empirical relationships) are
among the most
illiberal because social capital is known to be highly related to
racial, ethnic, and
religious homogeneity (Alesina and La Ferrara 2000; Portes 2014).
As it turns out,
people trust those who are most like them.
20. There is also an empirical literature that links free-market
institutions to measures of
social capital and trust. Although some of the results in this
literature are mixed,
several papers suggest a positive and causal relationship between
economic freedom
and social capital (see, e.g., Berggren and Jordahl 2006; Jackson,
Compton, and Min
Maw 2016). In this light, it is possible that inequalities caused
by gains from returns on
social capital may to some degree be the kind that Rawls deems
acceptable. Social
capital brings about benefits to society as a whole. Yet those
benefits are not spread
equally among all of society’s members but accrue in increased
quantities to those
with the more favoured social network. The inequality of incomes
and wealth could be
taxed away, but this increase in taxation and redistribution
decreases economic
freedom, with a resultant deleterious effect on social capital.
These inequalities serve
the “social good.” Attempting to redistribute them away may cause
the benefits that all
receive to disappear.
21. Given the impossibility of equality of distribution, the
only option available to meet the
egalitarian end of equality of distribution is complete
totalitarianism. Only when every
facet of each individual’s life is completely controlled by the
state in a continuous
manner can equality be achieved. If the system is ever left to
operate on its own,
inequality in distribution will be the result.
New Directions for Egalitarianism
22. As discussed in a previous section, relational egalitarians
may not see equality of
wealth as their most desired outcome. They instead desire equality
of social
relationships. To them, equality of wealth has been the most direct
path to achieve this
desired end. However, new trends are developing.
23. There has been increased attention in the economics
literature on the failings of
policies that target economic growth and income in an effort to
make lives better off.
This argument has been the apex of the emerging literature on the
economics of
happiness. Ever since the publication of Richard Easterlin’s (1974)
work, which
popularized the Easterlin Paradox, some of the literature has set
out to explain why
increases in a country’s income do not correlate with higher levels
of self-reported
happiness among its citizens. Indeed, now even former Federal
Reserve chairman
Ben Bernanke argues that “GDP is not itself the final objective of
policy” (2010). The
better objective is well-being (happiness), and the egalitarian now
has a new direction
for policy in promoting equality of well-being. Many advocate
augmenting the national
measurement of gross domestic product with a national happiness
accounting (Diener
2000).
24. In shifting the policy focus away from wealth inequality and
toward inequality of wellbeing
(Goff, Helliwell, and Mayraz 2016), a host of interventionist
policies are opened
up to the egalitarians’ disposal. Subjective well-being measures
are regarded as
Page 14 of 21
comprehensive measures of quality of life, and they have many
correlates. A
nonexhaustive list of correlates (Dolan, Peasgood, and White 2008)
includes variables
such as income (Diener and Oishi 2000), education (Blanchflower and
Oswald 2004),
environment (Welsch 2006), materialism (Kasser 2003), mortality
(Kawachi et al.
1997), employment (Stutzer 2004), personality (DeNeve and Cooper
1999), and even
social capital and trust (Helliwell and Putnam 2004). The shift in
focus away from
income and toward a more broadly defined well-being measure can
open up a
Pandora’s box of progressive policy proposals.
25. However, the egalitarians’ search for policies to attain
equality of well-being may in fact
lead to the unraveling of well-being itself. A large literature
demonstrates that
autonomy of individual choice leads to greater subjective
well-being (Ryan and Deci
2000; Verme 2009), and an ever-expanding literature links high
economic freedom to
greater subjective well-being (Veenhoven 2000; Gropper, Lawson, and
Thorne 2011;
Nikolaev 2014; Jackson 2016). The problems this literature presents
for the goals of
redistribution are in addition to the inherent difficulties in
distributing such fundamental
determinates of well-being as personality traits and psychological
characteristics.
Perhaps a more pervasive problem for proponents of policies for
happiness is that of
adaptation.
26. Adaptation in the happiness literature refers to humans’
innate ability to adapt to new
circumstances. In fact, one explanation of the Easterlin Paradox is
that increases in
income can fail to create increases in happiness because people
rapidly adjust to their
higher incomes. Although there may be an initial temporal boost in
happiness from
increased income, the effects do not persist in the long run.
Adaptation also explains
why poor and impoverished countries sometimes report much higher
levels of
happiness than might seem reasonable (Graham 2010). People have a
baseline
equilibrium level of happiness, and any deviations from that
baseline are short-lived. If
well-being inequalities are taken to be meaningful, then any
policies implemented with
the intention of combating them must target an element of
well-being that isn’t subject
to adaptation. Among the correlates of subjective well-being,
social capital is often
referred to as a prominent candidate policy target that is immune
to the problems of
adaptation (Bartolini, Bilancini, and Sarracino 2016). Thus, if
egalitarianism pursues
equality in the domain of well-being, it will still find itself
trying to accomplish an
impossible task in determining the distribution of social
capital.
Conclusion
27. Although egalitarians may be reluctant to admit their focus
on equality of distribution in
philosophical debate, this singular policy focus has emerged even
among the so-called
new-group egalitarians with their emphasis on social hierarchy.
Equality of social
relations, they assert, must begin from the establishment of
economic equality of
wealth. Unfortunately for these egalitarians, wealth and well-being
are partly
determined by the distribution of social capital. Social capital is
distinct from physical
capital and human capital in that it can neither be removed from an
individual nor
imputed to another. A sovereign’s inability to distribute social
capital results in an
impossible equality of distribution in wealth or well-being short
of totalitarian control of
the entire system.
SECTION A
QUESTION 1
1.1 Why is it impossible for equality in distribution of wealth?
(2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………..
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.2 What is the moral standpoint of egalitarianism? (2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.3 Why did Otto von Bismarck create a welfare state in Germany?
(2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.4 According to egalitarianism, what do their basic notions of
equality hinge on? (2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………..…
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.5 What did Hayek accuse the libertarians and classical liberals
of when they classified
free markets as just or unjust? (2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………..…
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.6 On what point does modern day egalitarianism disagree with
classical egalitarianism?
(2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………..
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.7 What does relational egalitarianism advocate should be removed
any unjust system?
(2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………..…
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.8 On what grounds do egalitarians agree that equality of
distribution is achievable? (2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………….
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.9 Why is social capital regarded as the most illiberal? (2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.10 According to the text, what is the only way we can achieve
equality of distribution? (2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………..…
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.11 What is meant by the Easterlin Paradox? (2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
1.12 If egalitarianism pursues equality in well-being, what
obstacle will they face? (2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………….…
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
TOTAL: 24 marks
In: Psychology
The Trolley Dodgers
In 1890, the Brooklyn Trolley Dodgers professional baseball team joined the National League. Over the following years, the Dodgers would have considerable difficulty competing with the other baseball teams in the New York City area. Those teams, principal among them the New York Yankees, were much better financed and generally stocked with players of higher caliber.
After nearly seven decades of mostly frustration on and off the baseball field, the Dodgers shocked the sports world by moving to Los Angeles in 1958. Walter O’Malley, the flamboyant owner of the Dodgers, saw an opportunity to introduce professional baseball to the rapidly growing population of the West Coast. More important, O’Malley saw an opportunity to make his team more profitable. As an inducement to the Dodgers, Los Angeles County purchased a goat farm located in Chavez Ravine, an area two miles northwest of downtown Los Angeles, and gave the property to O’Malley for the site of his new baseball stadium.
Since moving to Los Angeles, the Dodgers have been the envy of the baseball world: “In everything from profit to stadium maintenance ... the Dodgers are the prototype of how a franchise should be run.”1 During the 1980s and 1990s, the Dodgers reigned as the most profitable franchise in baseball with a pretax profit margin approaching 25 percent in many years. In late 1997, Peter O’Malley, Walter O’Malley’s son and the Dodgers’ principal owner, sold the franchise for $350 million to media mogul Rupert Murdoch. A spokesman for Murdoch complimented the O’Malley family for the long-standing success of the Dodgers organization: “The O’Malleys have set a gold standard for franchise ownership.”2
During an interview before he sold the Dodgers, Peter O’Malley attributed the success of his organization to the experts he had retained in all functional areas: “I don’t have to be an expert on taxes, split-fingered fastballs, or labor relations with our ushers. That talent is all available.”3 Edward Campos, a longtime accountant for the Dodgers, was a seemingly perfect example of one of those experts in the Dodgers organization. Campos accepted an entry-level position with the Dodgers as a young man. By 1986, after almost two decades with the club, he had worked his way up the employment hierarchy to become the operations payroll chief.
After taking charge of the Dodgers’ payroll department, Campos designed and implemented a new payroll system, a system that only he fully understood. In fact, Campos controlled the system so completely that he personally filled out the weekly payroll cards for each of the Dodgers’ 400 employees. Campos was known not only for his work ethic but also for his loyalty to the club and its owners: “The Dodgers trusted him, and when he was on vacation, he even came back and did the payroll.”4
Unfortunately, the Dodgers’ trust in Campos was misplaced. Over a period of several years, Campos embezzled several hundred thousand dollars from his employer. According to court records, Campos padded the Dodgers’ payroll by adding fictitious employees to various departments in the organization. In addition, Campos routinely inflated the number of hours worked by several employees and then split the resulting overpayments 50-50 with those individuals.
The fraudulent scheme came unraveled when appendicitis struck down Campos, forcing the Dodgers’ controller to temporarily assume his responsibilities. While completing the payroll one week, the controller noticed that several employees, including ushers, security guards, and ticket salespeople, were being paid unusually large amounts. In some cases, employees earning $7 an hour received weekly paychecks approaching $2,000. Following a criminal investigation and the filing of charges against Campos and his cohorts, all the individuals involved in the payroll fraud confessed.
A state court sentenced Campos to eight years in prison and required him to make restitution of approximately $132,000 to the Dodgers. Another of the conspirators also received a prison sentence. The remaining individuals involved in the payroll scheme made restitution and were placed on probation.
Epilogue
The San Francisco Giants are easily the most heated, if not hated, rival of the Dodgers. In March 2012, a federal judge sentenced the Giants’ former payroll manager to 21 months in prison after she pleaded guilty to embezzling $2.2 million from the Giants organization. An attorney for the Giants testified that the payroll manager “wreaked havoc” on the Giants’ players, executives, and employees. The attorney said that the embezzlement “included more than 40 separate illegal transactions, including changing payroll records and stealing employees’ identities and diverting their tax payments.”5 A federal prosecutor reported that
the payroll manager used the embezzled funds to buy a luxury car, to purchase a second home in San Diego, and to travel.
When initially confronted about her embezzlement scheme, the payroll manager had “denied it completely.”6 She confessed when she was shown the proof that prosecutors had collected. During her sentencing hearing, the payroll manager pleaded with the federal judge to sentence her to five years’ probation but no jail term. She told the judge, “I cannot say how sorry that I am ... that I did this, because it’s not who I am. I have no excuse for it. There is no excuse in the world for taking something that doesn’t belong to you.”7
required:
-Describe some of the key internal controls you'd expect to find in a payroll system.
-What internal control weaknesses were evident in the Dodgers’ payroll system?
-What "red flag" was present that should have alerted management to Campos' scheme?
-Identify audit procedures that might have led to the discovery of the fraudulent scheme masterminded by Campos.
In: Accounting
Case Study: The Reveton Ransomware Attacks
In August 2012, the Internet Crime Complaint Center (IC3), a partnership between the FBI and the National White Collar Crime Center, was inundated with reports of a new type of cybercrime. Victims across the United States reported that while searching the Internet, their computers locked up, and they received the following message, purportedly from the FBI: “This operating system is locked due to the violation of the federal laws of the United States of America! (Article 1, Section 8, Clause 8; Article 202; Article 210 of the Criminal Code of U.S.A. provides for a deprivation of liberty for four to twelve years.)” The message then accused the victim either of visiting pornography Web sites or of distributing copyrighted content. Victims were told they could unlock their computers and avoid prosecution by paying a fine of $200 within 72 hours of receiving the message. The message came replete with the official FBI logo.
The incident pointed to a steep rise in ransomware attacks. Ransomware is malware that disables a computer or smartphone until the victim pays a fee, or ransom. Unlike other viruses, the Reveton version of ransomware is not activated by opening a file or an attachment. Rather it is an example of “drive-by malware,” viruses that download automatically when a user visits an infected Web site.
The FBI immediately issued an alert, but within a month, cybersecurity experts had identified 16 variants of the ransomware. These viruses had infected 68,000 unique IP addresses. It is estimated that on an average day, about 170 victims paid the $200 fee and received valid unlock codes. The compromised computers could not be fixed through the installation or updating of antivirus software because the computer was locked. Because so many home PC owners fail to back up their systems regularly, many victims faced losing a significant amount of data. The $200 fee itself was low enough to encourage payment. A visit to a professional IT service to repair the damage could potentially cost the same amount and take more time to resolve. A quick payment through a prepaid money card system, such as MoneyPak, could save the victim a lot of trouble.
The United States was not the first country to be hit by these attacks. In early 2012, criminal gangs targeted France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. Ransomware attacks first broke out in Russia in 2009. Since that time, they have spread to almost every country on the globe, hitting the United States and Japan especially hard. Symantec, an IT security company, estimates that gangs are extorting over $5 million per year from online victims. The rise of ransomware attacks is, no doubt, due in part to their success. In France, for example, almost 4 percent of victims coughed up the ransom money during a non-Reveton scam.
The Reveton ransomware is delivered by the popular Russian-language Citadel malware toolkit. The latest version of Citadel can also grab passwords from Web browsers and change Web sites to trick users into handing over their login information.
In December 2012, the United Kingdom arrested three people they believed were involved in the Reveton ransomware attacks. Finding the perpetrators, however, is unusual and is not the most effective way to combat this crime. Law enforcement agencies and IT security companies have urged the public to take
measures to prevent themselves from falling victim to such attacks—by keeping software such as Java, Acrobat Reader, Adobe Flash, Windows, and their browser software updated. An early Reveton ransomware attack made use of a vulnerability in a version of Java that had just been patched a month prior. Computer users can also avoid infections by using security software that identifies suspicious Web sites, and by not clicking online ads from dubious companies. Perhaps, however, the best way to avoid the spread of these attacks is to encourage victims to report the crime and to refuse to comply with the ransom demands.
Questions:
In: Computer Science
From a Financial Managers standpoint , how might the financial manager argue that this case is ethical and how might they argue it is unethical? Both sides of the argument. CASE: Trigon Blue Cross/Blue Shield (Copayments) When most people are told they owe a coinsurance payment on a medical bill, they simply grimace and write a check; not Gerald Haeckel, a retiree from Richmond, Virginia. He wanted proof that he was not paying more than the 20 percent portion that his health insurance policy required. When his insurer, Trigon Blue Cross/Blue Shield, balked, the retiree besieged state and federal officials with demands for an investigation. Gerald’s problem with the insurer-provider negotiated discounts began when he became confused by a bill sent by Trigon Blue Cross/Blue Shield. The bill was for Gerald’s wife’s lumpectomy, which is an outpatient surgery to remove a tiny breast tumor. Trigon’s benefits- explanation form stated that the surgery had cost $950, that Trigon paid 80 percent, or $760, and that Gerald owed a 20 percent copayment of $190. But then Gerald received a list of charges from the surgery center indicating that Trigon’s share of the bill had been more than halved to $374 because of a “contractual adjustment.” Gerald assumed that a mistake was made in the surgery center’s statement because if it were correct his $190 copayment would exceed a third of actual cost, instead of the 20 percent called for in his insurance policy. Ultimately, Gerald’s scrutiny of the $950 surgery bill led to a surprising discovery. Although insurance companies frequently complain about being duped by fraudulent policyholders and providers, Trigon and dozens of other health insurers and managed care companies stand accused of a scheme to siphon off millions of dollars from their policyholders. How does the alleged scheme work? For surgery priced at $1,000, the typical plan might call for the insurer to pay 80 percent, or $800, which leaves the patient with a $200 copayment. But if the insurer has negotiated a 50 percent discount from the provider and does not pass any of it along to its policyholders, the patient’s $200 copayment becomes 40 percent of the $500 actual bill, and the insurer’s portion drops to only $300. Trigon’s responses to Gerald’s queries stirred up more questions than they answered. Norwood H. Davis, Trigon’s CEO, assured Gerald that he did indeed owe the $190, and added that the details of any Trigon’s provider discounts were “proprietary.” In another letter, Norwood made a distinction between Trigon actually paying its $760 share of the bill and “discharging” it. Norwood added that although Trigon might try to persuade a provider to accept less than its $760 portion of the bill, a policyholder, such as Gerald, was free to try to persuade the provider to accept something less than the required $190 copayment. Gerald, who by that point was incensed, replied “suggesting that an individual policyholder negotiate with a provider for price concessions borders on the insulting!” and he threatened to take the matter up with state regulators. At a time when consumers are expected to take more responsibility for their own healthcare, undisclosed discounts raise questions about the accuracy and honesty of information provided by the insurers and employers. Indeed, providers often are contractually prohibited from disclosing discounts. The insurance industry argues that hiding discounts is not widespread. The Chicago-based Blue Cross/Shield Association notes that no court has ruled for plaintiffs in a discounts-related case. It adds that none of its affiliates that settled such cases admitted to wrongdoing. Furthermore, Blue Cross/Shield executives argue that the discounts benefit policyholders by reducing premiums. In some situations, they add, employers who share in the savings ask that discounts not be disclosed to their own employees. “We’re not lining our pockets with anything because there is nothing to line our pockets with,” said Joel Gimpel, a Blue Cross/Shield Association attorney.
In: Accounting
A Disastrous Development project
In 2004, Marin country in California decided to replace its ageing financial management, payroll, and Human Resources systems with a modern SAP enterprise resources planning system. The country solicited proposals from various companies to act as software consultants on the implementation. Thirteen companies, including oracle, PeopleSoft, and SAP, submitted proposals. In April 2005 the country selected Deloitte consulting based on the firms representations concerning its in- depth knowledge of SAP systems and the extensive experience of its consultants.
From 2005 to 2009, Marin Country paid increasing consulting fees to Deloitte as its staff grappled with serious fiscal problems. Essentially, the staff could not program the SAP system to perform even routine financial functions such as payroll and accounts receivable. A grand jury probe concluded that the system had cost taxpayers $28.6 million as of April 2009.
At that time, Marin Country voted to stop the ongoing SAP project acknowledging that it had wasted some $30 million on software and related implementation services from Deloitte.
The Marin Country information systems and technology group conclude that fixing the Deloitte-instlled SAP system would cost nearly 25 percent more over a 10 year period than implementing a new system.
In 2010, Marin country filed a complaint alleging that Deloitte's representations were fraudulent. The complaint accused Deloitte of using the country SAP project as a training ground to provide young consultant with public sector SAP experience, at the country's expense. It further charged that Deloitte intentionally failed to disclose its lack of SAP and public sector skills; withheld information about critical project risks: falsely represented to the country that SAP system was ready to "go live" as originally planned: conducted inadequate testing; and concealed the fact that ist had failed to perform necessary testing , thereby ensuring that system defects would remain hidden prior to the go-live date.Finally, the country maintained that, although it had paid substantial consulting fees to Deloitte, the system continued to have crippling problems.
Deloitte filed a counterclaim over the country failure to pay more than $550000 in fees and interest. The company maintained that it had fulfilled all of its obligations under the contract, as evidenced by the fact that all of Deloitte's work was approved by the country officials who were responsible for overseeing the project.
In December 2010, Marin Country sued Deloitte and two SAP subsidiaries, alleging that Deloitte had "engaged in a pattern of racketeering activity designed to designed to defraud the country of more than $20 million, The country lawsuit also names as defendant Ernest Culver, a former country employee who served as director on the SAP project. The country alleged that Culver interviewed for jobs at Deloitte and SAP, where he now works in SAP's public services division, It further claimed that during the SAP project, Culver "was approving Deloitte's deficient work on the project, approving payment, and causing Marin Country to enter into new contracts with Deloitte and SAP public services, Inc.
In late December 2011, a judge ruled that Marin Country failed to allege sufficient facts to bring a racketeering claim against SAP under the terms of the federal Racketeer Influenced and corrupt organisations Act ( RICO). However, he also ruled that Marin Country could fly an amended complaint. The judge further found that Marin Country hd alleged sufficient facts to bring a "plausible" bribery claim against SAP with aspect to Culver. Finally, the judge denied SAP's motion to dismiss claims against against its SAP America division.
In mid January 2012, Marin Country filed an amended complaint in federal court related to its actions against SAP, Deloitte Consulting, and Ernest Culver. The president of. the Main Country Board of supervisors stated that the board is committed to ensuring accountability for its taxpayers.
1- debate the lawsuit from the point of view of Deloitte and SAP.
2- Debate the lawsuit from the point of view of Marin Country.
In: Finance
Reply to this post in at least 500 word. Discuss what you agreed and disagree with
The discussion board question for this week is ethical relativism correct. To understand the question, you first must know what definition of ethical relativism. According to dictionary.com, "Ethical relativism is the belief that nothing is objectively right or wrong and that the definition of right or wrong depends on the prevailing view of a particular individual, culture, or historical period". An example of ethical relativism would be homosexuality. Many countries are against homosexuality and there are countries that support them. The United States of America are one of the many countries that continue to create strides for the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender Community (LGBT). Uganda is one of the many countries that are against homosexuality. They have an Anti-Homosexuality Act, which was signed in 2014 that will grant you with life in prison or the death penalty
The United States has begun to grant rights to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community in 2003 after the United States Supreme Court ruling in Lawrence v. Texas. Back in 1973 Texas had a law that homosexual contact was a criminal act. The police were sent to the home of Mr. Lawrence to responds to a call about weapons. When the police entered the home, they caught Mr. Lawrence and another man in a sexual act. This court ruling found that same sex sodomy is a violation of right to privacy. This day has become the foundation of many LGBT right to come. On June 26, 2015 same sex marriage was established in all fifty states.
Uganda is one of the many countries in Africa that does not believe in Homosexuality rights. The country of Uganda has signed an Anti-Homosexuality act in 2014 with strict punishments if caught or accused of homosexual acts. These countries ethical relativism toward homosexuality is totally different than what the United States of America has. Uganda ethical relativism towards this issue is that homosexuality is wrong and has no place in their country. Some of the penalties of getting caught is life in jail or the death penalty. Which is the main reason behind many of the people fleeing the country due to this act in Kenya where being a part of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) Community is more acceptable.
I believe ethical relativism is correct There are multiple countries with different ways of living. Some countries believe in polygamy and other countries believe that it is wrong. We may live on the same earth, but we do not live under the same rules. In Nigeria the age of sexual consent is eleven and in the state of Virginia the age of consent is eighteen. According to girlsnotbrides.org forty-four percent of the young women are married before eighteen and seventeen percent married before fifth-teen.
It is very easy to understand why some of my classmates may choose the ethical relativism is incorrect. A person's culture plays a large part in ethical relativism, but there are many things that are wrong even though they are culture norms. Such as in the sexual consent age in Nigeria. In my eyes at the age of eleven I do not believe a child can give consent.
Reference List
Britton, Bianca. 2017. “Kasha Nabagesera: The Face of Uganda's LGBT Movement.” CNN. Cable News Network. March 7. https://www.cnn.com/2017/03/05/africa/her-kasha-jacqueline-nabagesera-lgbt-campaigner/index.html.
“The Supreme Court . The Future of the Court . Landmark Cases . Lawrence v. Texas (2003) | PBS.” 2018. THIRTEEN - MEDIA WITH IMPACT. Accessed June 4. https://www.thirteen.org/wnet/supremecourt/future/landmark_lawrence.html.
Blanchard, Bobby. 2017. “Why Does the Texas Criminal Code Still Ban ‘Homosexual Conduct’?” The Texas Tribune. Texas Tribune. March 27. https://www.texastribune.org/2017/03/27/why-does-texas-criminal-code-still-ban-homosexual-conduct/.
Girls Not Brides. 2018. “Nigeria - Child Marriage Around The World. Girls Not Brides.” Girls Not Brides. Accessed June 4. https://www.girlsnotbrides.org/child-marriage/nigeria/.
In: Psychology
1) Read the Johnson & Johnson article and answer the following:
a) was the outcome of this case fair?
b) The Jury awarded a significant amount of punitive damages in this case. Should tort reform laws apply here? If so, why? If not, why?
Johnson & Johnson was ordered Thursday to pay $4.69 billion to 22 women and their families who had claimed that asbestos in the company’s talcum powder products caused them to develop ovarian cancer. A jury in a Missouri circuit court awarded $4.14 billion in punitive damages and $550 million in compensatory damages to the women, who had accused the company of failing to warn them about cancer risks associated with its baby and body powders. Johnson & Johnson, the maker of Johnson’s Baby Powder, said it was “deeply disappointed” in the verdict and planned to appeal. The company is facing more than 9,000 plaintiffs in cases involving body powders with talc, according to a regulatory document filed this spring. After a six‑week trial, the jury in St. Louis deliberated over the compensatory damages for eight hours but decided on the punitive damages in roughly 45 minutes, said Mark Lanier, a lawyer for the women. Six of the women have died; almost all of the rest, along with friends and relatives, were in the courtroom on Thursday. One of the plaintiffs is undergoing chemotherapy and was too ill to attend, Mr. Lanier said. “There were people crying, people hugging,” he added. “It’s been quite an emotional scene.” Mr. Lanier said Johnson & Johnson had spent 40 years covering up evidence of asbestos in some of its talcum‑based products and should mark those products with warning labels or focus on powders made with cornstarch. Subscribe to The Times You have 4 free articles remaining. The punitive damages are among the largest ever awarded in a product liability case, he said. Shares of Johnson & Johnson fell 1.4 percent in early trading Friday. 8/10/2018 Johnson & Johnson Told to Pay $4.7 Billion in Baby Powder Lawsuit
Johnson & Johnson called the verdict “the product of a fundamentally unfair process” that combined 22 women with few connections to Missouri into a single group of plaintiffs in St. Louis. The company “remains confident that its products do not contain asbestos and do not cause ovarian cancer and intends to pursue all available appellate remedies,” it said in a statement. The company has said concerns about talc’s being linked to cancer are based on inconclusive research. Asbestos is a carcinogen that sometimes appears in natural talc but was stripped from commercial talc products in the 1970s, according to the American Cancer Society. And according to the National Cancer Institute, claims that talc used for feminine hygiene purposes can be absorbed by the reproductive system and cause inflammation in the ovaries are not supported by “the weight of evidence.” Plaintiffs in talc cases have approached litigation in smaller groups instead of suing Johnson & Johnson en masse. The risky strategy allows earlier plaintiffs to send signals about legal tactics and their award amounts to women who bring cases later. Suing in clusters also maximizes the emotional effect of the women’s stories on juries, Mr. Lanier said. “It’s easier to get justice in small groups,” he said. “In small groups, people have names, but in large groups, they’re numbers.” The first talc trial was in 2013 in Federal District Court in South Dakota. A jury found Johnson & Johnson negligent but did not award damages to the plaintiff. Several other cases have involved sizable damages, including a $417 million verdict reached by jurors in Los Angeles County Superior Court last year. The plaintiff in the Los Angeles case has since died, and the verdict was overturned and a new trial granted. Johnson & Johnson, which has successfully appealed a number of talc cases, said in its statement on Thursday that “the multiple errors present in this trial were worse than those in the prior trials which have been reversed.”
In: Operations Management
Year Commodities% Services%
1960 0.9 3.4
1961 0.6 1.7
1962 0.9 2.0
1963 0.9 2.0
1964 1.2 2.0
1965 1.1 2.3
1966 2.6 3.8
1967 1.9 4.3
1968 3.5 5.2
1969 4.7 6.9
1970 4.5 8.0
1971 3.6 5.7
1972 3.0 3.8
1973 7.4 4.4
1974 11.9 9.2
1975 8.8 9.6
1976 4.3 8.3
1977 5.8 7.7
1978 7.2 8.6
1979 11.3 11.0
1980 12.3 15.4
1981 8.4 13.1
1982 4.1 9.0
1983 2.9 3.5
1984 3.4 5.2
1985 2.1 5.1
1986 -0.9 5.0
1987 3.2 4.2
1988 3.5 4.6
1989 4.7 4.9
1990 5.2 5.5
1991 3.1 5.1
1992 2.0 3.9
1993 1.9 3.9
1994 1.7 3.3
1995 1.9 3.4
1996 2.6 3.2
1997 1.4 3.0
1998 0.1 2.7
1999 1.8 2.5
2000 3.3 3.4
2001 1.0 4.1
2002 -0.7 3.1
2003 1.0 3.2
2004 2.3 2.9
2005 3.6 3.3
2006 2.4 3.8
Use Data Set J, U.S. annual Percent Inflation in Prices of Commodities and Services (n=47), on page 536 of your textbook to answer the following questions. Commodities percentage (Commodities %) is the independent, variable and Services percentage (Services%) is the dependent variable. Data are year-to-year percent changes in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) in these two categories. The data file, Inflation, may be found on Canvas under Modules under Chapter 12 Textbook Data Files. Use MINITAB to obtain the simple regression equation, confidence interval, prediction interval, and required graphs. Insert tables and graphs in your report as appropriate. All interpretations should be in terms of the problem (data).
Use Minitab and produce the appropriate output to answer the following questions. Attach the output. Construct a scatter plot. Recalling what scatter plots are used for, write a couple of sentences addressing what you observed from the plot. Be sure to relate your observations to the purpose of using scatter plots in regression. (4 points)
Can we conclude that year-to-year changes in Commodities percentage (Commodities%) helps in predicting year-to year changes in Services percentage (Services%)? Follow and show the 7 steps for hypothesis testing. (12 points)
Find the sample regression equation and interpret the coefficients. Remember your interpretations should be in terms of the problem. (4 points)
Find the coefficient of determination, and interpret its value. (3 points)
Use residual analysis to check the validity of the model and fully explain your findings and conclusions. (6 points)
Estimate with 95% confidence the average year-to-year Services percentage for when all year-to-year Commodities change is 3.0%. Predict with 95% confidence the estimated Services percentage when an individual year’s Commodities change is 3.0%. Write at least one sentence using your confidence interval and at least one sentence using your prediction interval. (8 points)
Verify that the p-value for the F is the same as the slope’s t statistic’s p-value, and show that t2 = F. (3 points)
Attach or include relevant Minitab output to support your results in parts (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6). (4 points)
In: Statistics and Probability
// File name: Person.h
// Person class declaration. Person is the base class.
#pragma once
#include <iostream>
using namespace std;
class Person {
private:
string fName;
string lName;
int birthYear;
int birthMonth;
int birthDay;
public:
Person();
void setName(string, string);
void setBirthDate(int, int, int);
string getFullName();
string getBirthDate();
};
// File name: Person.cpp
// Person class definition. Person is the base class.
#include "Person.h"
Person::Person() {
fName = "";
lName = "";
birthYear = 0;
birthMonth = 0;
birthDay = 0;
}
void Person::setName(string first, string last) {
fName = first;
lName = last;
}
void Person::setBirthDate(int year, int month, int day) {
birthYear = year;
birthMonth = month;
birthDay = day;
}
string Person::getFullName() {
return fName + lName;
}
// This method creates a string with the birth date
// using the following format: month/day/year
// where month and day are 2-digit values
// and year is a 4-digit value
string Person::getBirthDate() {
// define the method
}
// File name: Student.h
// Student class declaration. Student inherits from Person
#pragma once
// make sure to indicate the inheritance
class Student {
private:
string idNumber;
string major;
static string masterIdNumber;
public:
Student();
Student(string, string);
Student(string, string, string);
void setMajor(string);
void printStudent();
};
// File name: Student.cpp
// Student class definition. Student inherits from Person
#include "Student.h"
string Student::masterIdNumber = "20200000";
// the defaul constrcuctor initializes major to the empty string
// It adds 1 to the masterIdNumber, and assigns the resulting value
// to idNumber
Student::Student() {
}
// This constructor takes the first and last names of the student as parameters
// and invokes the parent class' methods to store the values
// It adds 1 to the masterIdNumber, and assigns the resulting value
// to idNumber
Student::Student(string, string) {
}
// This constructor receives the student's first name, last name, and major as parameters
// and invokes the parent class' methods to store the values
// It adds 1 to the masterIdNumber, and assigns the resulting value
// to idNumber
Student::Student(string, string, string) {
}
// This methods receives a string as parameter
// and assigns the value to the major field
void Student::setMajor(string) {
}
// This method will print the students information ín a table-like manner
// The format to be printed is:
// ID Number Name Major Date of Birth
// Make sure to allow enough space for each column
void Student::printStudent() {
}
// File name: chapter10.cpp
// Follow the instructions to implement the class
int main() {
// declare a student, named s1, using the default constructor
// asign the name Vilma Picapiedra, date of birth May 10, 1998, and major Computer Science
// declare a student, named s2, using Betty Marmol as parameters
// asign date of birth June 11, 1999, and major Computer Engineering
// declare a student, named s3, using Pablo Marmol and Electrical Engineering as parameters
// assign date of birth December 9, 1990
// delcare a stydent, named s4, using any of the constructors
// this student has the following information:
// Name: Pedro Picapiedra, date of birth January 10, 1995, major Computer Engineering
// print a table with all students
// the table headers are: Student ID, Name, Major, Date of Birth
system("pause");
return 0;
}
In: Computer Science